commit 82849eb94de15a937ad757b9a596ca4c9a56c0bd Author: bdeshi Date: Mon Sep 14 19:03:25 2026 +0600 Initial commit: Ross 1988 re-typeset edition A searchable, re-typeset edition of Fiona Ross, "The Evolution of the Printed Bengali Character from 1778 to 1978" (Ph.D., SOAS, 1988), transcribed from the 431-leaf ProQuest scan. All 431 pages done; 178 plates and 410 inline type specimens cut from the scan; 51 errata. Tracked: the transcription (src/pages), the preamble and its typographic decisions, the cut images (plates/ — not reliably regenerable, the crop specs for the inline cuts were never scripted), tools, and the four working documents. Not tracked: the built PDF, which `make` remakes from src/ and plates/; the ProQuest scan under source/, which is third-party and needed only by `make prep` and `make plate`; scans/ and work/, both regenerable. Co-Authored-By: Claude Opus 5 diff --git a/.claude/commands/batch.md b/.claude/commands/batch.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..741a25a --- /dev/null +++ b/.claude/commands/batch.md @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +Process the next batch of pages of the Ross thesis conversion. + +1. Read CLAUDE.md, CONTINUATION.md and the tail of manifest.tsv to find the next PDF page range (default: the range named in CONTINUATION.md "Next", ~12 pages). If $ARGUMENTS gives "A B", use that range. +2. Run `make prep A= B=`. +3. For every page in the range: view `scans/hi-NNN.jpg`, classify, transcribe or crop per the procedure in CLAUDE.md. Never rely on OCR or the PDF text layer without checking the image. Mark doubtful readings with `\unsure{}` and record them in QUESTIONS.md. +4. Update manifest.tsv, run `make check` (fix until it passes), run `make build`, render and inspect two output pages. +5. Update CONTINUATION.md with the new state and the next range. Report: pages done, plates cropped, questions added, anything odd in the source. diff --git a/.claude/commands/status.md b/.claude/commands/status.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6463d4e --- /dev/null +++ b/.claude/commands/status.md @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +Report project status: run `make check`, summarise progress from manifest.tsv (done/todo by kind), list the open items in QUESTIONS.md, and state the next batch from CONTINUATION.md. Do not change any files. diff --git a/.claude/commands/verify.md b/.claude/commands/verify.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8d99e14 --- /dev/null +++ b/.claude/commands/verify.md @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +Verify already-transcribed pages against the scan. + +For the PDF page range $ARGUMENTS (default: the last batch listed in CONTINUATION.md): re-rasterize each page at 130 dpi if `scans/hi-NNN.jpg` is missing, view it, and compare word by word with `src/pages/pNNNN.tex` — spelling, italics, diacritics, footnote mark positions, footnote text, caption wording, page number. Fix discrepancies in the .tex, log anything ambiguous in QUESTIONS.md, then `make check && make build`. Report every change made. diff --git a/.dockerignore b/.dockerignore new file mode 100644 index 0000000..72e8ffc --- /dev/null +++ b/.dockerignore @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +* diff --git a/.gitignore b/.gitignore new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fbe813c --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitignore @@ -0,0 +1,18 @@ +# Regenerable or external — never committed. +# The edition PDF is a build product: `make` remakes it from src/ and plates/. +ross-1988-retypeset.pdf +older-versions/*.pdf + +# The ProQuest scan: 16 MB of third-party material, and the one input that is +# not ours to redistribute. Keep it locally at source/10731406.pdf; `make prep` +# and `make plate` need it, an ordinary `make` does not. +source/ + +# Page rasters, rebuilt from source/ by `make prep`. +scans/ + +# LaTeX aux, intermediate rasters, contact sheets, probe images. +work/ + +# Written by the build from work/; the copies in work/ are the originals. +*.log diff --git a/CLAUDE.md b/CLAUDE.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7a71bad --- /dev/null +++ b/CLAUDE.md @@ -0,0 +1,149 @@ +# Ross 1988 re-typeset — working instructions for Claude Code + +Goal: convert `source/10731406.pdf` (scan of Fiona Ross, *The Evolution of the Printed +Bengali Character from 1778 to 1978*, Ph.D., SOAS 1988; 431 PDF pages) into a searchable, +re-typeset PDF. Design decisions are final and recorded in `PLAN.md`; current state and the +next batch are in `CONTINUATION.md`; open readings for the owner (Sammay) in `QUESTIONS.md`. +Read those three files first, every session. + +## Hard rules +1. **The scan's text layer is not a source.** Transcribe from the page image + (`scans/hi-NNN.jpg`, 130 dpi; re-rasterize at 300 dpi for anything small). The + tesseract text in `work/ocr/` is only a typing scaffold — proofread every word against + the image before it goes in a `.tex` file. Never `pdftotext` the source for content. +2. **Never guess.** A word, diacritic, number or glyph you cannot read with confidence is + written as `\unsure{best reading}` and added to `QUESTIONS.md` with PDF page, original + page and a description. Do not silently normalise or "correct" the author's text. +3. **Original spelling and typography stand**, including the author's inconsistencies. + Handwritten corrections in the scanned copy are adopted and logged in `QUESTIONS.md`. +4. **One file per original page**: `src/pages/pNNNN.tex`, NNNN = zero-padded **PDF** page. + Row in `manifest.tsv` updated in the same step (printed page, kind, status=done, src_file, notes). +5. **Bengali: modern script is text, historical typefaces are images.** Bengali that shows + the modern script — the Scheme of Transliteration on orig. p.13 — is typed as Unicode and + sets itself in Tiro Bangla. Bengali that shows a **historical typeface** (every specimen the + original pastes into its own sentences, the List-of-Plates glyphs, plate captions) is never + typed: cut it from the scan with `tools/crop_inline.py` and set it with `\ig`. The argument in + the text is about those shapes — retyping them destroys the evidence. (Sammay, 2026-09-13.) +6. **Plates keep native resolution**: crop with `make plate N=…`; never resample — the sole + exception is the automatic deskew, which rotates (and so resamples) a page that is measurably + out of square. The tool also sweeps scanner bars and the grey gutter shadow from the edges. + Tune per page + with `ARGS`: `--top/--bottom/--edge` (strip page number, caption, scanner edge), `--rotate 270` + for plates the original prints sideways (lossless), `--trim T,R,B,L` after rotation for skewed + scanner edges the heuristics cannot see; `--box L,T,R,B` gives the crop explicitly and skips the + bar/page-number heuristics altogether — needed for dark plates (photographed manuscripts, + photographic plates), where “dark means scanner bar” is false; `--raw` (with `--box`) takes the + box **exactly**, skipping the shadow sweep, deskew, bar sweep and autocrop — needed for a plate + that reproduces a whole **framed** page, whose own border rules the edge sweeps mistake for + scanner bars and strip along with content. `--box` values are fractions of the raw page, never + pixels. Record the recipe in the manifest `notes` column. +7. After each batch: `make check` must pass, then `make build` must succeed, and + `python3 tools/reprocheck.py` must print `0 tokens short` — it compares every token of + `src/pages/*.tex` against the built PDF and is the only check that catches content the + *typesetter* loses (see CONTINUATION.md for the `\hangafter` case it was written for). Do not leave + the tree in a state where either fails. `make verify` runs all three. +8. Do not edit `src/main.tex` (generated by `build.sh`). **Git is the version history** + (initialised 2026-09-14, Sammay): the build no longer archives the previous PDF, the PDF + is not tracked — `make` remakes it — and the 68 archived copies in `older-versions/` were + deleted. Superseded design drafts stay in `older-versions/` as text and are tracked. +9. Ask before changing anything in `PLAN.md`'s design table. + +## Macro reference (`src/preamble.tex`) +| Macro | Use | +|---|---| +| `\chapstart{Title}` / `\chaphead{Title}` | Starts a chapter/section: new page, centred bold head, bookmark, note group "Notes to Title". **Must precede `\origpage` in the file.** Resets note numbering: next `\fn` is `\fn{1}`. | +| `\origpage{N}` | Original page N starts here (mid-sentence is normal). Exactly one per text page file, at the point of the break. | +| `\fn{n}{text}` | Footnote n of the original → endnote. n must be the original's number; `make check` enforces 1,2,3… per chapter. | +| `\plateop{N}{no}{plates/pNNNN.png}{caption}` | A plate that begins original page N (the usual case: one plate per page). | +| `\plate{no}{img}{caption}` | Plate not at a page start. | +| `\subhead{text}` | Italic run-in subheading (as the original's *Introduction:* etc.). | +| `\chapnum{Chapter 1}{Charles Wilkins}` | Chapter head as the original sets it: number over title, both centred bold; notes group as “Chapter 1: Charles Wilkins”. Precedes `\origpage`. | +| `\begin{extract}…\end{extract}` | A displayed quotation as the original sets them — indented both sides, set solid, no quotation marks. An environment, so a quotation broken by an original page break opens in one page file and closes in the next (`\origpage` then sits inside it). | +| `\ig{img}` | An inline type specimen cut from the scan by `tools/crop_inline.py`, set at native size (1 px = 1/300 in). Use wherever the original pastes typeforms into its own text — never retype those as Tiro Bangla, the argument is about their shapes. | +| `\pg{N}` | Hyperlink to original page N (used in Contents/List of Plates). | +| `\begin{biblist}…\end{biblist}`, `\bibgroup{…}`, `\bibhead{…}` | The Bibliography (orig. pp.419–429): the original sets it solid — a bold group heading (`\bibgroup`), then one entry per paragraph with the continuation lines indented. `biblist` gives that block (no paragraph skip, 1.6em hanging indent); `\bibhead` is a centred bold heading inside it. | +| `\fig{img}` | An **unnumbered** illustration the original sets in the run of the text (no plate number, no caption — the preceding sentence carries the reference). Centred, native size, shrunk only if wider than the measure. Crop it by explicit pixel box with PIL to `plates/fig-pNNNN.png` and record the box in the manifest `notes` column. | +| `\pl{no}{caption}{page}`, `\tocl{indent}{label}{title}{page}` | List-of-Plates / Contents lines. | +| `\unsure{text}` | Doubtful reading (logged to `unsure.log`). | +| `\qslip{as printed}` | A suspected slip **inside quoted matter**. Never corrected — the slip may be the quoted source's, not Ross's. Sets the text unchanged, logs to `qslips.log`; list it in `QUESTIONS.md` with the source so it can be checked. | +| `\erratum{corrected}{as printed}` | A slip in the **original** that this edition corrects: sets the corrected reading, logs to `errata.log`. Arguments must be plain text (put `\emph` outside). Every use needs a matching `\erratumline{orig page}{as printed}{corrected}` in `src/errata.tex` — `make check` enforces it — and the pair prints in the Errata section. Handwritten corrections in the scan are *not* errata: adopt them silently and log in `QUESTIONS.md`. | +| `\partstart{Part I}{Title}` | Part-title page: label and title centred about two fifths down, bookmark, new note group. Precedes `\origpage` like `\chapstart`. | +| `\sectionstart{Section A}{Title}` | Section-title page — flush left, as the original sets them. | +| `\emph{}` for italics, `` ` '' `` for quotes, `\ldots\ ` for …, `\&`, `\%`. | Typewriter conventions of the original (no ligatures etc.) need no special handling. | + +## Typography (set once in `src/preamble.tex` — do not re-litigate per page) +12pt **TeX Gyre ScholaX** (Century Schoolbook; loaded by path from the TeX tree, which fontconfig does +not index) on a 5.95in measure; Liberation Sans for margin marks and running +heads; Tiro Bangla for Bengali. **Leading 1.59 — a 22.9pt line, the original's own, measured off the scan +at 300 dpi; the inline specimens set it, not the text** (see CONTINUATION.md). Inline specimens at native +size (`\igscale` = 72.27/300), which is the 74% of the line the original gives them. First line indented +1.6em with `\parskip` 0.15em, `\frenchspacing` +(the original is a typescript with uniform spacing, and TeX's sentence spacing after `p.` is wrong here). +**Ragged right and unhyphenated** (`\RaggedRight`; `\lefthyphenmin=62` plus `\hyphenpenalty=10000` — the original typescript breaks only at spaces and at hyphens it actually typed, so `\exhyphenpenalty` stays low and `\tolerance`/`\emergencystretch` are raised to pay for the lost breaks). (Sammay, 2026-09-14.) **Hanging punctuation** via microtype protrusion, +dashes hanging far less. **Widows and orphans forbidden** with `\raggedbottom`. Running head: current +chapter (a `chap` mark class, set by every heading macro) on the left, original page range on the right. +Endnotes set a step smaller and tighter via `\notesection`; plate captions are `\footnotesize` with their own leading, a clear step below the text as in the original. Contents and List-of-Plates entries are +whole-line links to `page.N`. + +## `tools/polish.py` — the build-time typographic pass +`build.sh` runs it first: it reads `src/pages/*.tex` and writes `work/pages/*.tex`, and the build inputs +the latter. **The transcription in `src/pages` always stays exactly as typed** — never hand-edit the +polished copies. The pass applies what the typewriter could not (Sammay, 2026-09-13): + * ties, so a reference or unit never breaks across a line (`p.~63`, `Part~II`, `240~lbs`) + * en-dashes for numeric ranges (1778--1978) + * small caps for institutional acronyms — an explicit whitelist in the script (IOL, BMS, OUP, SOAS, + MS, BL …). Fount codes (CW1, SB4, BM V, VF1) and Roman numerals are deliberately excluded + * `\mbox` round every inline specimen so it never breaks from adjacent punctuation + * **cross-reference links**: `pl. N` and `chapter N` always link (they can only be this thesis's own); + `p. N`/`pp. N` link **only where the thesis cites itself**. A page reference inside a citation + belongs to somebody else's book: the script tests the preceding clause for citation markers (a + title in `\emph`, `ibid.`, a shelfmark, publication data, a surname followed by a comma) before + accepting self-reference words (`above`, `below`, `see`, `mentioned`). Neither signal → no link; a + missing link is cheaper than one that lands on the wrong page. **Re-audit after changing this rule**: + print every link with its context and read them. +Protected from all of the above: comment lines, file paths, and the arguments of `\erratum`, `\qslip`, +`\ig`, `\origpage`, `\fn`, and the heading macros (their text becomes bookmarks and marks, and a link +inside them breaks the build). + +## Inline type specimens — the workflow +For any page where the original pastes typeforms into its own text: +1. `docker compose run --rm -T tex python3 work/lines.py N` — lists the page's text lines with their + y-fractions. **Its line N is usually the line *after* the one you counted by eye; if a sheet comes + back with the wrong line, try the band one earlier.** +2. `… work/glyphs.py N y0,y1 [y0,y1 …]` — numbered contact sheet of the ink runs on those bands, + written to `work/sheetN.png`. Read it and pick the runs that are specimens. +3. `… tools/crop_inline.py N name=SPEC …` — cuts them to `plates/inline/pNNNN-name.png`. + SPEC is a run index plus, optionally, `:left|right|first|last|mid|trimright|trimleft` to split a + run that merged with its neighbour, `+PX` to start PX into the run, `~PX` to keep only its first + PX. Use `+PX`/`~PX` when the typewriter's space is too noisy to register as a gap. +4. Where a run defeats all of that (a word set solid inside a footnote), crop by explicit pixel box + with PIL and **record the box in the manifest `notes` column** so the cut is reproducible. + +## Per-batch procedure (≈12–15 pages per batch) +1. `make prep A= B=` → `scans/hi-*.jpg` + `work/ocr/p*.txt`. +2. For each page, **look at the image**. Decide kind: `text`, `plate`, `mixed`, `blank`. +3. Text page: `python3 tools/ocr2tex.py [--head "Chapter title"]` gives a + draft; then proofread against the image: italics (titles, transliterated words), `\fn{}` + marks placed exactly where the superscript sits, footnote text moved into `\fn{}`, all + diacritics (ā ī ū ṛ ṃ ṅ ñ ṭ ḍ ṇ ś ṣ ḥ), hyphenation joined, en-dashes kept as `-` as the + original types them. **The typescript never hyphenates a word at a line end** — verified across + all 431 leaves: every one of its 59 line-ending hyphens is either a compound the author typed + (`offset-lithography`, `Hof-und`, `forty-eight`) or OCR noise off a reproduced plate. So a hyphen + in a page file is always intrinsic to the word; never invent one, and never keep one that splits a + word. Output hyphenation is off to match (Sammay, 2026-09-14). Where the author compounds + inconsistently (`type-casting`/`typecasting`, `punch-cutter`/`punchcutter`) rule 3 applies: each + instance stands as printed. Page break inside a paragraph: the previous file ends mid-sentence + and this file begins `\origpage{N}` followed by the continuation — no blank line between + files (the build concatenates them), so do **not** start the file with `\par`. +4. Plate page: `make plate N=` (inspect `plates/pNNNN.png`; if the caption or page + number survived or content was clipped, rerun with `ARGS="--top 0.05 --bottom 0.11"` + etc.), then a one-line file with `\plateop{...}` and the caption transcribed exactly. +5. Update `manifest.tsv` rows (`python3 tools/setrow.py "notes"`); `make check`; `make build`; spot-check 2–3 output pages + (`pdftoppm -jpeg -r 60 -f X -l Y ross-1988-retypeset.pdf work/o`). +6. Update `CONTINUATION.md` (state, next batch) and `QUESTIONS.md`. Stop at a chapter or + batch boundary, never mid-file. + +## Environment +Tools run in Docker: `make image` once, then the `make` targets above (`NODOCKER=1 make …` +if xelatex, poppler-utils, tesseract, python3-pil/numpy/pdfplumber are installed locally). +Fonts: Liberation (system), FreeSerif (system), Tiro Bangla (`fonts/`). Do not add fonts. diff --git a/CONTINUATION.md b/CONTINUATION.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b9b4dfc --- /dev/null +++ b/CONTINUATION.md @@ -0,0 +1,183 @@ +# CONTINUATION — Ross 1988 re-typeset + +## State (end of session 4, 2026-09-14) +- **All 431 PDF pages transcribed.** No `\unsure` readings outstanding. +- Chapter 5 `Vincent Figgins and Richard Watts` closed at orig. p.211 (PDF 213, notes 1–93, plates 89–96). +- Chapter 6 `European Typefoundries` orig. pp.214–240 (PDF 216–242, notes 1–81, plates 97–105). +- Section C `Indigenous Ventures` title at orig. p.241 (PDF 243). +- Chapter 7 `The Girīśa Vidyāratna Press and later foundry types.` orig. pp.242–263 (PDF 244–265, + notes 1–54, plates 106–117). +- **Part II** `Mechanical Typefounding and Composition of Bengali` title at orig. p.266 (PDF 268). +- Chapter 8 `Linotype Composition` orig. pp.267–308 (PDF 269–310, notes 1–124, plates 118–133). +- Chapter 9 `Monotype Composition` orig. pp.309–337 (PDF 311–339, notes 1–54, plates 134–148). +- **Part III** `Photocomposition of the Bengali Script` title at orig. p.338 (PDF 340). +- Chapter 10 `Filmsetting` orig. pp.339–363 (PDF 341–365, notes 1–74, plates 149–160). +- Chapter 11 `Digital Photocomposition` orig. pp.364–404 (PDF 366–406, notes 1–80, plates 161–174). +- `Conclusion` orig. pp.405–410 (PDF 407–412, notes 1–19). +- `Epilogue` orig. pp.411–418 (PDF 413–420, notes 1–14, plates 175–178). +- `Bibliography` orig. pp.419–429 (PDF 421–431), set with the new `biblist`/`bibgroup`/`bibhead` + macros: a bold group heading, then one entry per paragraph with a 1.6em hanging indent, set solid. + +### Earlier state (end of session 3, 2026-09-13) +- Building clean: **195 edition pages, 199/431 PDF pages done**. No `\unsure` readings outstanding. +- Done (PDF pages): 1 title, 2 colophon, 3 dropped, 4–16 front matter, 17–30 Introduction (orig. pp. 15–28, + notes 1–26, plates 1–6), 31 Part I title, 32 Section A title, 33–74 chapter 1 `Charles Wilkins` + (orig. pp. 31–72, notes 1–131, plates 7–25). +- **Errata section** at the end; seven entries. `\erratum` + `src/errata.tex` + `make check` keep text and list in step. + PLAN.md's Editorial row records the policy; its Type row records the specimen rule. +- **Inline type specimens**: 214 cut so far into `plates/inline/`, set with `\ig` at native size. Workflow per page: + **NB `work/lines.py`'s line N is usually the line *after* the one counted visually — if a sheet comes + back with the wrong line, try the band one earlier.** + `work/lines.py N` lists the text lines → `work/glyphs.py N y0,y1 …` makes a numbered contact sheet of the ink + runs on chosen lines → `tools/crop_inline.py N name=INDEX[:left|right|first|last|mid|trimright|trimleft] …` + cuts them. When the space between a word and the glyph is too noisy to register as a gap, measure the run's + column profile and use the `INDEX+PX` form (e.g. `48+63`). +- **Watch for scanner bars in plate crops.** The `--rule` guard that stops engraved rules splitting a plate also + let thin bars survive; `crop_plate.py` now sweeps any very dark thin run at an edge *after* autocropping + (`strip_edge_bars`). Nine plates were re-cropped for this. If a plate looks like it has a black line down one + side, that is the cause — re-run `make plate` with its recorded recipe. + +- **Bengali policy (Sammay, 2026-09-13)**: modern script → Tiro Bangla text; a historical typeface → + cut from the scan and set with `\ig`. Slips inside quoted matter are never corrected — mark them + `\qslip{}` (logged to `qslips.log`) and list them in QUESTIONS.md for checking against the source. + + +## Typography and plates — reworked 2026-09-13/14 at Sammay's request +- **Type**: 11pt TeX Gyre ScholaX (Century Schoolbook, from `texlive-fonts-extra`, added to the Dockerfile + for it) on a 5.2in measure ≈70 characters a line; leading 1.22; ragged right; hanging punctuation; + `\frenchspacing`; widows/orphans forbidden; heads a step larger; endnotes smaller and tighter + (`\notesection`); running head names the current chapter. +- **`tools/polish.py`** runs first in `build.sh`: `src/pages` (faithful transcription, never hand-edit the + output) → `work/pages` (what is actually typeset). It applies ties, en-dashes for ranges, small caps for + institutional acronyms, `\mbox` round specimens, and cross-reference links. See CLAUDE.md for the full + contract, especially the internal-vs-external rule for `p. N` references and the instruction to re-audit + the links after changing it. +- **Contents** and **List of Plates** entries are whole-line links to `page.N`. +- **Plates**: `crop_plate.py` deskews an out-of-square page (rule-centre measurement, profile-variance + fallback) and sweeps the grey gutter shadow. Deskew is the only step that resamples. All 89 plates were + re-cropped; a sample was checked and none lost content. If a plate looks tilted or has a dark band down + one side, re-run `make plate N=… ARGS=""`. + +## Known cosmetic issue +Three plate files (p0130, p0131, p0218) report an identical `Overfull \hbox (57.8pt)`; the rendered pages show +no visible damage and the plates sit inside the measure. Cause not yet identified — not the image width (the +images differ) and not the margin note (moving it outside the minipage changed nothing). The three share one +trait: their images are **wide** enough that `width=\textwidth` (not `height=0.74\textheight`) is the binding +constraint, so the minipage content is exactly the measure and anything else on the line tips it over. + +## Open with Sammay — see QUESTIONS.md +Nothing outstanding. The quotation-slip table in QUESTIONS.md lists the 15 suspected slips inside quoted +matter, left as printed for checking against the quoted sources; it is a courtesy list, not a blocker. + +## Next +1. **Transcription is complete.** What remains is finishing work, not conversion: + read the built PDF end to end for damage the per-batch spot-checks could miss; + settle the two open QUESTIONS items (p.295 *compliments*, p.348 a dropped *to*); + move the QUESTIONS "adopted corrections" list into the colophon. +2. Expect more inline specimens — budget for the `lines.py` → `glyphs.py` → `crop_inline.py` loop per page. +3. Later polish: move the QUESTIONS "adopted corrections" list into the colophon; a plate-only page's running + head shows the previous text page too ("orig. pp. 16–38") — acceptable, refine if wanted. + +### Never kill a build mid-run without clearing `work/main.aux` +A full build is ~20 min at 420 pages, so the temptation is to stop one that is carrying a change you +are about to supersede. Don't, unless you then `rm -f work/main.aux work/main.toc work/main.out`. +`build.sh` does not clear them, so the next run reads back a `.aux` truncated mid-`\enotez@note` and +dies at `\begin{document}` with `File ended while scanning use of \enotez@note` / `Runaway argument?` +— an error that looks like an unbalanced brace in a page file and is not. Check +`tail -c 200 work/main.aux` first: a clean block-boundary size (e.g. exactly 172032 bytes) ending +mid-entry is the tell. + +### Hyphenation — settled, do not re-open +The original never breaks a word at a line end. Checked over all 431 leaves: 59 line-ending hyphens, +every one a compound the author typed or OCR noise off a plate image (`work/lineend-hyphens.json` +holds the list). Output hyphenation is therefore off (`\lefthyphenmin=62`, `\hyphenpenalty=10000`), +with `\exhyphenpenalty` left low so a typed hyphen may still end a line as it does in the original. + +### Unnumbered in-text figures — `\fig` +Chapters 7 and 8 set illustrations in the run of the text with **no plate number and no caption** (the +sentence before them carries the reference): orig. p.245's two cut/penned `ব` forms, orig. p.259's tier +diagram. `\fig{plates/fig-pNNNN.png}` (added 2026-09-14) centres one at native size, shrinking it only if +it is wider than the measure. Cut these by explicit pixel box with PIL — `crop_plate.py` is for whole-page +plates — and record the box in the manifest `notes` column. + +### A printed page number inside the plate's own column range +Plate 119 (PDF 272) has the thesis's printed page number sitting in the same columns as the plate's lower +figure, so no `--box` can exclude it. Crop such a plate with PIL instead: paint the page number's rectangle +white, then take the ink bounding box. Record both steps in the manifest `notes` column. + +### Framed plates need `--raw` +Chapter 6's plates are reproductions of whole framed pages (`plates 97–103`). The frame's own border rules sit +at the very edge of the crop, where `strip_edge_bars` reads them as scanner bars and sweeps them off — taking +content with them on p0222, where two lines were lost. `crop_plate.py --raw` (added 2026-09-14) takes an +explicit `--box` exactly: no shadow sweep, no deskew, no bar sweep, no autocrop. Measure the box first by +finding the frame's rules (columns/rows whose ink mean exceeds 0.5), then pass `--raw --box L,T,R,B` as +**fractions** of the raw page — `--box` is fractional, not pixels, and pixel values raise a PIL +DecompressionBombError. Every plate recipe is in the manifest `notes` column. + +### Measuring the original's leading — autocorrelate, don't count bands +Counting gaps between ink bands gives nonsense: a line's ascender band and its x-height band are often +detected separately, halving the apparent pitch, and a page with a plate or a displayed extract poisons the +median. Pages came back at 40, 53, 70, 94 px for the same document. Autocorrelating the row-ink profile over +the text block and taking the peak in 35-140 px is robust: every ordinary page then returns 94-95 px at +300 dpi, and so does every specimen page. **The original is leaded 22.9 pt uniformly** — the thing to +reproduce. Its specimens reach 16.9 pt at the 90th percentile, 74% of the line, and only 0.7% crowd it. +Our build now measures 23.1 pt on a plain page and 23.1 pt on a specimen page (r=0.85 / 0.41; the low r is +a seven-line block, not unevenness). + +### First-line indent and the ragged2e trap +The original never indents: it separates paragraphs by a blank line, and being justified, that blank line +sits under a flush line and reads clearly. Reflowed and ragged right the cue is much weaker, so this edition +indents 1.6em and keeps `\parskip` small (Sammay, 2026-09-14). Setting `\parindent` alone is not enough — +ragged2e's `\RaggedRight` assigns `\parindent` from `\RaggedRightParindent` (0pt by default) every time it +is invoked, so set both, and remember that any `\RaggedRight` inside a macro re-zeroes the indent locally. + +### Swallowed digits: a TeX integer assignment eats the text after it +Reported 2026-09-14: the Halhed shelfmarks on orig. p.420 came out as `- 5593`, `and 5596`, `A and 5660B`, +`E`, `F`, `A`, `B`. The transcription in `src/pages/p0422.tex` was correct and so was `work/pages/p0422.tex`; +the loss was in the typesetting. `biblist` set `\everypar{\hangindent=1.6em\hangafter=1}`, and `\hangafter` +is an integer parameter: TeX goes on scanning digits after the `1`, so a paragraph beginning `5590 - 5593` +assigned `\hangafter=15590` and the number was gone. Fixed by terminating the assignment with `\relax`. +**Any numeric assignment in an `\everypar`, a hook, or a macro that can be followed by body text needs +`\relax`.** + +### One build at a time in `work/` +`build.sh` runs every pass in `work/`, so two concurrent `make build`s share `main.aux`. Starting a second +build (or clearing the aux files by hand) while one is running kills the first at `\end{document}` with +"I can't find file `main.aux'", and the next pass dies at `\begin{document}` in `\openout\@mainaux` — which +looks like a permissions or disk fault and is neither. Wait for the running build before starting another. + +### A group that ends before its own `\par` loses its leading +Twice now: the plate captions, and the last paragraph of `src/colophon.tex`. `\setstretch` (like `\small`) +is a paragraph-shape parameter read at the `\par` that ends the paragraph, so `{\setstretch{1.2} text}` or +`\begingroup\setstretch{1.2} ... \endgroup` sets the final paragraph at the *outer* leading. End the +paragraph explicitly — `\par` before the closing brace or `\endgroup`. + +### `tools/reprocheck.py` — the reproduction check that found it +Bag comparison, not sequence: every token in `src/pages/*.tex` must reach the built PDF at least as often as +it appears in the source. Order-insensitive, because endnotes and the Contents move text about. Run it after +any build that changes the preamble: + + python3 tools/reprocheck.py [pdf] + +It de-TeXes the page files (macro table in the script says which argument of each macro carries copy) and +compares against `pdftotext -layout`. Two extraction artifacts are reported separately as "merged into a +neighbour", not as losses: poppler glues an endnote superscript onto the word before it (`em.`+`55`), and it +drops the thin space between the two Bengali forms in a Scheme-of-Transliteration cell. `-layout` is required +— without it poppler rejoins a compound broken at its own hyphen (`Staats-Druckerei`), which this text does +constantly, and ~80 false positives appear. A clean run prints `0 tokens short`. + +## Environment +Runs from this directory with Claude Code; tools via `make` (Docker). `CLAUDE.md` has the rules and macro table. +The Makefile exports `UID`/`GID` (zsh does not). `make check` and `make build` must both pass at the end of +every batch. + +## Layout +``` +ross-thesis/ + PLAN.md CONTINUATION.md QUESTIONS.md manifest.tsv build.sh + src/preamble.tex src/colophon.tex src/errata.tex src/main.tex (generated) src/pages/pNNNN.tex + tools/prep.sh tools/ocr2tex.py tools/crop_plate.py tools/crop_inline.py tools/check.py tools/setrow.py tools/reprocheck.py + work/lines.py work/glyphs.py (scratch helpers for the specimen workflow) + fonts/TiroBangla-*.ttf plates/pNNNN.png plates/inline/pNNNN-*.png plates/logo-proquest.png + scans/ work/ (scratch; excluded from tarball) older-versions/ ross-1988-retypeset.pdf +``` diff --git a/Dockerfile b/Dockerfile new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b2a2ad3 --- /dev/null +++ b/Dockerfile @@ -0,0 +1,17 @@ +# Toolchain for the Ross-1988 re-typeset project (matches the environment the +# first two sessions ran in: Ubuntu 24.04, TeX Live 2023, tesseract 5.3, poppler). +FROM ubuntu:24.04 +ENV DEBIAN_FRONTEND=noninteractive LANG=C.UTF-8 +RUN apt-get update && apt-get install -y --no-install-recommends \ + texlive-xetex texlive-latex-base texlive-latex-recommended texlive-latex-extra \ + texlive-fonts-recommended texlive-fonts-extra \ + fonts-liberation fonts-freefont-ttf fontconfig \ + poppler-utils tesseract-ocr tesseract-ocr-eng \ + python3 python3-pip python3-pil python3-numpy \ + make curl ca-certificates \ + && rm -rf /var/lib/apt/lists/* \ + && pip3 install --no-cache-dir --break-system-packages pdfplumber fonttools \ + && fc-cache -f +WORKDIR /work +# The project directory is bind-mounted at /work (see compose.yaml); nothing is copied in. +CMD ["bash"] diff --git a/Makefile b/Makefile new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9f4cf08 --- /dev/null +++ b/Makefile @@ -0,0 +1,53 @@ +# All heavy tools run inside the container; the host drives via make. +# Set NODOCKER=1 to run directly if xelatex/poppler/tesseract are installed locally. +# zsh does not export UID/GID; compose.yaml needs them to run as the tree's owner. +export UID := $(shell id -u) +export GID := $(shell id -g) + +RUN := $(if $(NODOCKER),,docker compose run --rm -T tex) + +OUT := ross-1988-retypeset.pdf +SOURCES := build.sh tools/polish.py src/preamble.tex src/colophon.tex src/errata.tex \ + $(wildcard src/pages/*.tex) + +.DEFAULT_GOAL := pdf +.PHONY: pdf build image prep plate check reprocheck verify clean distclean shell help + +# The PDF is a build product and is not in git. This remakes it from src/ and +# plates/, neither of which needs the ProQuest scan — only prep and plate do. +pdf: $(OUT) ## typeset the edition (only if a source changed) + +$(OUT): $(SOURCES) + $(RUN) ./build.sh + +build: ## typeset unconditionally, even if nothing changed + $(RUN) ./build.sh + +image: ## build the toolchain image (once) + docker compose build + +prep: ## rasterize + OCR-scaffold pages A..B: make prep A=19 B=32 [needs source/] + $(RUN) tools/prep.sh $(A) $(B) + +plate: ## crop plate image for PDF page N: make plate N=40 [ARGS="--top 0.06"] [needs source/] + $(RUN) python3 tools/crop_plate.py $(N) $(ARGS) + +check: ## consistency checks (manifest <-> files <-> macros), no build + $(RUN) python3 tools/check.py + +reprocheck: ## every token of src/pages must reach the built PDF + $(RUN) python3 tools/reprocheck.py $(OUT) + +verify: check pdf reprocheck ## the full gate: check, typeset, then prove nothing was dropped + +shell: ## interactive shell in the container + docker compose run --rm tex bash + +clean: ## remove LaTeX aux and scratch rasters (keeps plates and the PDF) + rm -rf work/* + +distclean: clean ## also drop the page rasters and the built PDF + rm -rf scans/* $(OUT) + +help: + @grep -E '^[a-z-]+:.*##' Makefile | sed 's/:.*##/ —/' diff --git a/PLAN.md b/PLAN.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fa61caf --- /dev/null +++ b/PLAN.md @@ -0,0 +1,28 @@ +# Ross 1988 thesis — re-typeset edition: plan (v2, confirmed 2026-09-13) + +Source: `10731406.pdf` — Fiona G. E. Ross, *The Evolution of the Printed Bengali +Character from 1778 to 1978*, Ph.D., SOAS, 1988. ProQuest scan, 431 PDF pages, +300 dpi bitonal (a few plates in colour), ABBYY text layer (NOT used as source). + +## Confirmed design +| Aspect | Decision | +|---|---| +| Layout | **Reflowed** text. `\origpage{N}` marks where original page N begins: bold sans number in the outer margin + thin bar in the line + `page.N` hyper-target. Running head shows the original page range on each edition page; edition page number in the footer | +| Notes | Footnotes become **endnotes** (enotez) in a final *Notes* section, grouped "Notes to ", keeping original numbers via `\fn{n}{text}`; marks link to notes, notes link back | +| Type | 11pt **TeX Gyre ScholaX** (Century Schoolbook) on a 5.2in measure (≈70 characters a line); Liberation Sans for marks and heads; leading 1.22; **ragged right** (ragged2e `\RaggedRight`, hyphenation on); hanging punctuation (microtype protrusion, dashes hang far less); widows and orphans forbidden with `\raggedbottom`. **Tiro Bangla** for Bengali that shows the modern script (the Scheme of Transliteration). Bengali that shows a **historical** typeface is never typed: it is cut from the scan by `tools/crop_inline.py` and set with `\ig` at native size | +| Structure | `\chapstart{Title}` = new page + centred bold head + PDF bookmark + notes group. One `.tex` per original page in `src/pages/pNNNN.tex` (NNNN = PDF page); `\chapstart` must come *before* `\origpage` in a file | +| Plates | Cropped from the 300 dpi scan by `tools/crop_plate.py` (scanner bars, page number, caption stripped; gutter shadow swept; deskewed when the page is out of square — the one step that resamples), embedded lossless at native resolution. `\plateop{N}{no}{img}{caption}` for a plate that begins page N; `\plate{no}{img}{caption}` otherwise. Per-page crop recipe recorded in the manifest `notes` column | +| Colophon | `src/colophon.tex` = leaf 2: description of the conversion + ProQuest notice text. Blank stamped leaf (PDF p.3) dropped and noted there | +| Editorial | Original spelling and typography stand. **Handwritten corrections** in the scan are adopted silently and logged in QUESTIONS.md. **The author's own slips** are corrected via `\erratum{corrected}{as printed}` and listed in the Errata section. **Slips inside quoted matter** are never corrected — mark `\qslip{as printed}` and table them in QUESTIONS.md so they can be checked against the source. A grammatical slip stands, with an editorial `[sic]`. All confirmed by Sammay, 2026-09-13. The three typographic intentions the typewriter could not realise — en-dashes for numeric ranges, true quotation marks, small caps for institutional acronyms — are applied at set time by `tools/polish.py`; the transcription itself stays as typed (Sammay, 2026-09-13) | +| Uncertain | `\unsure{...}` → `unsure.log` → QUESTIONS.md; never silently guessed | +| Contents | Contents and List-of-Plates entries are whole-line hyperlinks to the original page target (`page.N`) | +| Versioning | **Git** (from 2026-09-14, Sammay). The built PDF is not tracked and not archived — `make` regenerates it from `src/` and `plates/`. The ProQuest scan (`source/`) is untracked too, being third-party; only `make prep` and `make plate` need it. Superseded design drafts stay in `older-versions/` as text | + +## Workflow per batch +1. `tools/prep.sh A B` → `scans/hi-NNN.jpg` (130 dpi) + `work/ocr/pNNNN.txt` (tesseract scaffold). +2. Read every page image. For clean prose pages `tools/ocr2tex.py N printed [--head T]` gives a draft; proofread word-by-word against the image, add `\emph`, `\fn`, diacritics. +3. Plates: `python3 tools/crop_plate.py NNNN` then a one-line `\plateop` file. +4. Update `manifest.tsv`; `./build.sh`; spot-check. + +## Remaining +Introduction pp.17–30 (PDF 19–32) → Part I from p.31 (PDF 33) … Bibliography p.419 (PDF 421) → end (PDF 431). ~245 text + ~170 plate pages: ~10–12 sessions. diff --git a/QUESTIONS.md b/QUESTIONS.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ba16982 --- /dev/null +++ b/QUESTIONS.md @@ -0,0 +1,90 @@ +# Readings to confirm with Sammay + +`\unsure{...}` marks a doubtful reading (logged to `unsure.log`). `\erratum{corrected}{as printed}` +corrects one of the original's own slips and lists it in the edition's Errata section. +`\qslip{as printed}` marks a suspected slip **inside quoted matter**: it is never corrected, because the +slip may belong to the quoted source rather than to Ross — it is logged to `qslips.log` and listed below so +it can be checked against the original source. + +## Open +Nothing outstanding. The quotation-slip table below is for checking against the quoted +sources when convenient — it does not block anything. + +## Suspected slips inside quotations — left exactly as printed, for checking against the source +| Orig. page | As printed | Quoted source | +|---|---|---| +| 116 | *idolotrous* | Carey, *An Enquiry* (1792), p. 2 | +| 116 | *proponderance* | Potts, *British Baptist Missionaries*, p. 83 | +| 116 | *intially* | Potts, *British Baptist Missionaries*, p. 83 | +| 130 | *continous* | *First Report \ldots\ Native Schools* (1818), pp. 21-22 | +| 169 | *egregriously* | Halhed, *Grammar*, p. xxiii | +| 172 | *faithfull* | Ouseley, *Oriental Collections*, I (1797), advertisement | +| 208 | *tounge* | Gilbert & Rivington, *Lord's Prayer in Three Hundred Languages* (1891), Preface | +| 244 | *aquainted* | Rāma Kamala Sena, *A Dictionary in English and Bengalee* (Serampore, 1834), I, Preface | +| 246 | *professsional* | Pandey, *Indian Palaeography* (Benares, 1952), p. 93 | +| 276 | *Pharamaceutical* | Majumdar to May, 14 Sept 1933, Mergenthaler Correspondence file no. 918 | +| 297 | *imposssible* | MC 918: King to Griffith, 4 Nov 1937 | +| 305 | *seperate* | LC 17A: Tracy to Martin, 3 Sept 1964 | +| 308 | *Newpaper* | Vijayapaliah, *Introduction of Kannada on the … Linotype* (Bangalore, 1954), p. 3 | +| 335 | *here* (for *there*) | Letter from David Saunders, 16 Dec 1986 | +| 353 | *compatability* | Stempel, *Information; Photocomp Type Faces* (January, 1980), Design Sizes | + +(The page numbers in `qslips.log` can be one out — the mark it reads is the edition page's last one — so this +table is the authoritative record.) + +## Resolved +- **p.295 *compliments* and p.348's dropped *to* join the Errata** (Sammay, 2026-09-14). This overturns the + p.84 precedent for these two: a word-choice slip and a dropped word are corrected and listed like a + misspelling. p.84's own agreement slip keeps its editorial `[sic]` — it was ruled on separately and the + reading there is the author's grammar, not a slip of the typewriter. +- **Errata boundary: slips inside quotations stay as printed** and are listed above for verification against + the source (Sammay, 2026-09-13). Ross's own slips continue to be corrected and listed in the Errata section. +- **p.84 (PDF 86), note 149** — the agreement slip (“the characters \ldots\ shows greater skill”) stands, with an + editorial `[sic]` added (Sammay, 2026-09-13). This is the edition's only editorial insertion into the text. +- **p.50 (PDF 52), note 67** — the handwritten square brackets round the typed parenthesis are ignored; the note + is set exactly as typed (Sammay, 2026-09-13). +- **Bengali: modern type is text, historical specimens are images** (Sammay, 2026-09-13). Bengali that shows the + modern script — the Scheme of Transliteration on p.13 — is set in Tiro Bangla. Bengali that shows a historical + typeface is cut from the scan and set with `\ig`: that now includes the two CW1 sorts in the List of Plates + (p.5, item 18) and in plate 18's caption (p.55), which were previously typed as Tiro text. +- **p.5 item 18 / p.55 plate 18** — the two glyphs are জ and ত (Sammay, 2026-09-13); both are now set as cut images. +- **Errata policy** — the author's own slips are corrected and listed in the Errata section; PLAN.md's Editorial + row records it. Thirteen entries: p.10 *Navarnārī*, p.20 *Orientalisch und*, p.25 *distiguish*, p.32 *Gento*, + p.36 the unclosed parenthesis, p.39 `n.d.),p. 2.`, p.49 *Advertisments*, p.113 *twelth*, p.115 *Charaters*, + p.117 *intitiate*, p.123 *possibilites*, p.127 *accomodates*, p.132 *newpaper*. +- **Inline type specimens are images** — cut by `tools/crop_inline.py`, set with `\ig` at native size. +- **p.10, item 113** — *Navarnārī* → *Navanārī*. +- **p.5, item 5 / p.7, item 62 / p.12, item 173** — handwritten carets adopted (*Dissertationes Selectae*, + *Dharmaniyama*, *Granthanavibhāga*). +- **p.7, item 49** — “(Serampore, 1832)” italic in the original; kept as printed. +- **p.136 (PDF 138), plate 52 caption** — the imprint date is printed `(Calcutta, 182 )`, final digit missing in + the original; left exactly as printed. +- **Handwritten corrections adopted** (rule 3 — silently, not errata): p.19 *skillfully* → *skilfully*; p.17 n.16 + inserted “x” giving *Reflexions*; p.26 *difficuties* → *difficulties*; p.47 n.53 “a contemporary of”; + p.58 n.94 marginal addition; p.65 *homogenous* → *homogeneous*; p.70 “from” inserted; p.104 *activites* → + *activities*; p.105 “favour of”; p.108 struck *e* giving *Mātiura* (twice) and “complete” inserted; + p.132 “Junior” inserted; p.211 “Figgins's” inserted before ‘Pica Bengalee’; p.217 cedilla giving + *poinçons*; p.219 n.27 an “l” giving *appellations*; p.224 a struck letter giving *preceding*, a letter + completing *principal*, and a cedilla giving *Poinçons*; p.226 cedillas giving *Poinçons* (three times) + and accents on *gravés* and *Hénaffe*; p.232 “the” inserted before *whole*; p.233 an umlaut giving + *erbländischen*; p.238 an “e” giving *abgenommene*; p.248 *susceptible* inserted; p.271 *metal* + inserted and an “m” giving *accommodated*; p.283 and p.284 an “m” giving *accommodate*; p.286 an “r” + giving *occurred* and “on” completing *phenomenon*; p.318 n.27 “and see above, p. 267” added; p.323 an + “h” giving *rhythm*; p.331 *from* inserted; p.336 an “n” giving *manufacturers*; p.340 *same* inserted at + the page head; p.347 and p.349 an “m”/“n” giving *accommodate* and *implemented*; p.352 an “m” and an + “r” giving *accommodate* and *repertoire*; p.359 an “i” giving *compatibility* and a struck letter giving + *benefited*; p.362 a struck letter giving *benefited*; p.366 an “n” giving *fonts* and an “i” giving + *facilities* (n.13); p.389 an “s” giving *newspaper* and an “r” giving *occurring*. +- **p.42 (PDF 44), n.39** — the mark before “acquired” is ink blotting, not a caret. +- **Library ownership stamps are not reproduced** (Sammay, 2026-09-14): they record that the *physical copy* + belonged to a library, which is not true of this edition. That covers the University of London stamp below + the notes on p.49 (PDF 51), the `BIBL. LONDIN. UNIV.` stamp under the last page of the Bibliography + (p.429, PDF 431), and the accession stamp 20618054 on the scan's blank leaf 3. Graphic elements that belong + to the *document* — the ProQuest logo on the provenance leaf — are kept. Corrected 2026-09-14: the mark on + the title page, carried in `src/pages/p0001.tex` as `plates/seal-p0001.png`, is not the School's seal but a + fourth `BIBL. LONDIN. UNIV.` stamp. It is dropped with the rest, and the claim in `src/colophon.tex` that a + seal was kept is gone with it. +- **Text face**: TeX Gyre ScholaX, added to the Dockerfile and in use since 2026-09-14. (This closes the old + open question about a more readable face.) +- **p.141 (PDF 143), plate 57** — the label is **VF1** (a Vincent Figgins fount), settled by the author's own + note 132 on p.143. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..efd47d4 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,26 @@ +# Ross 1988 — re-typeset edition (work in progress) + +Re-typesetting Fiona Ross's 1988 SOAS Ph.D. thesis *The Evolution of the Printed Bengali +Character from 1778 to 1978* from the ProQuest scan into a searchable PDF. + +## Quick start +```sh +make image # build the toolchain container (TeX Live/XeLaTeX, poppler, tesseract, python) +make check # consistency checks +make build # → ross-1988-retypeset.pdf (previous version archived in older-versions/) +``` +Continue the conversion with Claude Code from this directory: it reads `CLAUDE.md`, +`PLAN.md`, `CONTINUATION.md`; `/batch`, `/verify` and `/status` are provided in `.claude/commands/`. + +## Layout +| Path | What | +|---|---| +| `source/10731406.pdf` | the scan (ProQuest), untouched | +| `src/preamble.tex`, `src/colophon.tex`, `src/pages/pNNNN.tex` | one file per original page (NNNN = PDF page) | +| `plates/` | plate images cropped from the scan at native 300 dpi | +| `fonts/` | Tiro Bangla (OFL) | +| `tools/` | `prep.sh` (raster+OCR scaffold), `ocr2tex.py` (draft), `crop_plate.py`, `check.py` | +| `manifest.tsv` | page-by-page ledger: PDF page → printed page, kind, status, file | +| `PLAN.md` / `CONTINUATION.md` / `QUESTIONS.md` / `CLAUDE.md` | design · resume point · open readings · working rules | +| `older-versions/` | every superseded PDF and preamble | +| `scans/`, `work/` | scratch (regenerable; excluded from the archive) | diff --git a/build.sh b/build.sh new file mode 100755 index 0000000..fd749b7 --- /dev/null +++ b/build.sh @@ -0,0 +1,17 @@ +#!/bin/sh +# Assemble: preamble, title (p0001), colophon, remaining pages in PDF-page order, +# endnotes; compile with XeLaTeX (3 passes: marks/backrefs). +set -e +cd "$(dirname "$0")" +OUT=ross-1988-retypeset.pdf +python3 tools/polish.py >/dev/null # typographic pass: src/pages -> work/pages +{ cat src/preamble.tex + printf '%s\n' '\begin{document}\immediate\openout\unsurefile=unsure.log\immediate\openout\erratafile=errata.log\immediate\openout\qslipfile=qslips.log' + printf '\\input{%s}\n' work/pages/p0001.tex src/colophon.tex + for f in work/pages/p*.tex; do [ "$f" = work/pages/p0001.tex ] || printf '\\input{%s}\n' "$f"; done + printf '%s\n' '\notesection' '\printerrata' '\immediate\closeout\unsurefile\immediate\closeout\erratafile\immediate\closeout\qslipfile\end{document}' +} > src/main.tex +for i in 1 2; do xelatex -interaction=nonstopmode -halt-on-error -output-directory=work src/main.tex >work/pass$i.log 2>&1 || { grep -E "^!" -A3 work/pass$i.log; exit 1; }; done +xelatex -interaction=nonstopmode -halt-on-error -output-directory=work src/main.tex | grep -E "Overfull|Warning: .*(undefined|multiply)" | sort | uniq -c || true +cp work/main.pdf "$OUT"; cp work/unsure.log . 2>/dev/null || true; cp work/errata.log . 2>/dev/null || true; cp work/qslips.log . 2>/dev/null || true +echo "built $OUT: $(pdfinfo "$OUT" | grep Pages)" diff --git a/compose.yaml b/compose.yaml new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9fce9a8 --- /dev/null +++ b/compose.yaml @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +services: + tex: + build: . + image: ross-thesis-tools + working_dir: /work + volumes: + - .:/work + user: "${UID:-1000}:${GID:-1000}" + environment: + - HOME=/tmp diff --git a/fonts/TiroBangla-Italic.ttf b/fonts/TiroBangla-Italic.ttf new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c246657 Binary files /dev/null and b/fonts/TiroBangla-Italic.ttf differ diff --git a/fonts/TiroBangla-Regular.ttf b/fonts/TiroBangla-Regular.ttf new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9434b81 Binary files /dev/null and b/fonts/TiroBangla-Regular.ttf differ diff --git a/manifest.tsv b/manifest.tsv new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8bcf27d --- /dev/null +++ b/manifest.tsv @@ -0,0 +1,432 @@ +pdf_page printed_hint printed kind status src_file notes +1 1 front done src/pages/p0001.tex title page +2 colophon done src/colophon.tex ProQuest notice reproduced in colophon +3 dropped done blank leaf, library stamp 20618054 only +4 2 2 text done src/pages/p0004.tex Abstract +5 3 3 text done src/pages/p0005.tex Contents +6 4 4 text done src/pages/p0006.tex Acknowledgements +7 18 5 text done src/pages/p0007.tex List of Plates 1-23; item 18 glyphs = ৎ ত +8 6 text done src/pages/p0008.tex List of Plates 24-43 +9 7 text done src/pages/p0009.tex List of Plates 44-69 +10 8 text done src/pages/p0010.tex List of Plates 70-91 +11 9 text done src/pages/p0011.tex List of Plates 92-112 +12 10 10 text done src/pages/p0012.tex List of Plates 113-134 +13 11 11 text done src/pages/p0013.tex List of Plates 135-161 +14 12 12 text done src/pages/p0014.tex List of Plates 162-178 + N.B. +15 13 13 text done src/pages/p0015.tex Scheme of Transliteration +16 14 14 text done src/pages/p0016.tex Abbreviations and Conventions +17 15 15 text done src/pages/p0017.tex Introduction; fn 1-7 +18 16 16 text done src/pages/p0018.tex Introduction; fn 8-12 +19 17 17 text done src/pages/p0019.tex Introduction; fn 13-16 +20 18 18 plate done src/pages/p0020.tex plate 1 +21 19 19 text done src/pages/p0021.tex Introduction; fn 17-21 +22 20 20 plate done src/pages/p0022.tex plate 2; sideways in original: crop --rotate 270 --bottom 0.13 --trim 0,0,0.06,0 +23 21 21 plate done src/pages/p0023.tex plate 3 +24 22 22 plate done src/pages/p0024.tex plate 4; crop --top 0.025 --trim 0,0.23,0,0 (thesis page no. sits beside the plate's own header) +25 23 plate done src/pages/p0025.tex plate 5; crop --trim 0,0,0.30,0 +26 24 plate done src/pages/p0026.tex plate 6; crop --bottom 0.14 +27 25 25 text done src/pages/p0027.tex Introduction; fn 22-25; original typo distiguish kept in fn 24 +28 26 26 text done src/pages/p0028.tex Introduction; fn 26; handwritten l adopted in difficulties +29 27 27 text done src/pages/p0029.tex Introduction; no notes on this page +30 28 28 text done src/pages/p0030.tex Introduction ends; two lines only +31 29 29 text done src/pages/p0031.tex Part I title page +32 30 text done src/pages/p0032.tex Section A title page +33 31 31 text done src/pages/p0033.tex Chapter 1 Charles Wilkins begins; fn 1-8 +34 32 32 text done src/pages/p0034.tex Chapter 1; fn 9-14; original has Gento in fn 12 +35 33 33 text done src/pages/p0035.tex Chapter 1; fn 15-21; block quotation uses the new extract macro +36 34 plate done src/pages/p0036.tex plate 7; dark manuscript image: crop --box 0.06,0.03,0.50,0.975 +37 35 plate done src/pages/p0037.tex plate 8; crop --bottom 0.13 +38 36 36 text done src/pages/p0038.tex Chapter 1; fn 22-29; unclosed parenthesis in fn 23 kept as printed +39 37 plate done src/pages/p0039.tex plate 9; crop --bottom 0.13 +40 38 plate done src/pages/p0040.tex plate 10; plates/p0040.png +41 39 39 text done src/pages/p0041.tex Chapter 1; fn 30-37; extract: Wilkins note to Halhed +42 40 plate done src/pages/p0042.tex plate 11; crop --bottom 0.13 +43 41 41 plate done src/pages/p0043.tex plate 12; crop --top 0.03 --bottom 0.13 --trim 0.03,0.05,0,0 +44 42 42 text done src/pages/p0044.tex Chapter 1; fn 38-42; two extracts +45 43 43 text done src/pages/p0045.tex Chapter 1; fn 43-47; extract from Ryder +46 44 plate done src/pages/p0046.tex plate 13; photographic plate: crop --box 0.05,0.17,0.835,0.75 +47 45 45 plate done src/pages/p0047.tex plate 14; photographic plate: crop --box 0.16,0.13,0.72,0.80 +48 46 46 plate done src/pages/p0048.tex plate 15; sideways in original: crop --box 0.06,0.07,0.88,0.885 --rotate 270 +49 47 47 text done src/pages/p0049.tex Chapter 1; fn 48-53; RSA 1819 report quoted; handwritten insertion in fn 53 +50 48 48 text done src/pages/p0050.tex Chapter 1; fn 54-58; opens inside the RSA quotation, closes it; Gilchrist preface quoted +51 49 49 text done src/pages/p0051.tex Chapter 1; fn 59-64; closes Gilchrist quotation; erratum Advertisments; UoL library stamp on page not reproduced +52 50 50 text done src/pages/p0052.tex Chapter 1; fn 65-69; handwritten brackets in fn 67 (query logged) +53 51 51 text done src/pages/p0053.tex Chapter 1; fn 70-77; 15 inline CW1 specimens cut with tools/crop_inline.py +54 52 52 plate done src/pages/p0054.tex plate 16; crop --bottom 0.13 +55 53 plate done src/pages/p0055.tex plate 17; crop --bottom 0.11 --trim 0,0,0.28,0 +56 54 54 text done src/pages/p0056.tex Chapter 1; fn 78-84; 14 inline CW1 specimens +57 55 55 plate done src/pages/p0057.tex plate 18; Halhed Grammar p.132 — the page that settles the item-18 glyph question +58 56 56 text done src/pages/p0058.tex Chapter 1; fn 85-88; 16 inline CW1 specimens +59 57 57 text done src/pages/p0059.tex Chapter 1; fn 89-92; 15 inline CW1 specimens; opens Halhed conjuncts quotation +60 58 58 text done src/pages/p0060.tex Chapter 1; fn 93-96; 10 inline specimens; handwritten addition to fn 94 adopted +61 59 59 text done src/pages/p0061.tex Chapter 1; fn 97-100; 6 inline CW1 specimens +62 60 60 text done src/pages/p0062.tex Chapter 1; fn 101-105; 4 inline CW1 specimens +63 61 plate done src/pages/p0063.tex plate 19; crop --bottom 0.13 +64 62 62 plate done src/pages/p0064.tex plate 20; sideways in original: crop --box 0.06,0.05,0.87,0.885 --rotate 270 +65 63 63 text done src/pages/p0065.tex Chapter 1; fn 106-111; 3 inline CW1 specimens +66 64 64 text done src/pages/p0066.tex Chapter 1; fn 112-115; Hastings letter quoted +67 65 65 text done src/pages/p0067.tex Chapter 1; fn 116-122; handwritten homogenous->homogeneous adopted +68 66 66 plate done src/pages/p0068.tex plate 21; crop --bottom 0.13 +69 67 67 plate done src/pages/p0069.tex plate 22; crop --bottom 0.13 +70 68 68 plate done src/pages/p0070.tex plate 23; crop --bottom 0.13 +71 69 69 text done src/pages/p0071.tex Chapter 1; fn 123-127; 3 inline CW2 specimens +72 70 70 text done src/pages/p0072.tex Chapter 1; fn 128-131; 11 inline CW3 specimens; handwritten "from" adopted +73 71 71 plate done src/pages/p0073.tex plate 24; crop --bottom 0.16 +74 72 72 plate done src/pages/p0074.tex plate 25; crop --box 0.05,0.048,0.80,0.925 (page no. sits level with the plate header) +75 73 plate done src/pages/p0075.tex plate 26; crop --bottom 0.16 +76 74 74 text done src/pages/p0076.tex Chapter 1; fn 132-134; 1 inline CW3 specimen +77 75 75 text done src/pages/p0077.tex Chapter 1; fn 135-140 +78 76 76 text done src/pages/p0078.tex Chapter 1; fn 141-144 +79 77 77 plate done src/pages/p0079.tex plate 27; crop --bottom 0.16 +80 78 plate done src/pages/p0080.tex plate 28; crop --box 0.06,0.048,0.80,0.875 (page no. level with the specimen heading) +81 79 79 text done src/pages/p0081.tex Chapter 1; fn 145-147; 4 inline CW4 specimens +82 80 plate done src/pages/p0082.tex plate 29; photographic plate: crop --box 0.09,0.165,0.79,0.78 +83 81 81 plate done src/pages/p0083.tex plate 30; crop --bottom 0.16 +84 82 82 plate done src/pages/p0084.tex plate 31; crop --top 0.05 --bottom 0.13 +85 103 83 plate done src/pages/p0085.tex plate 32; crop --bottom 0.13 +86 84 84 text done src/pages/p0086.tex Chapter 1; fn 148-149; 3 inline CW4 specimens +87 85 plate done src/pages/p0087.tex plate 33; crop --top 0.06 --bottom 0.16 +88 86 86 plate done src/pages/p0088.tex plate 34; crop --bottom 0.16 +89 87 87 plate done src/pages/p0089.tex plate 35; crop --top 0.06 --bottom 0.16 +90 88 88 plate done src/pages/p0090.tex plate 36; crop --top 0.06 --bottom 0.16 +91 89 89 text done src/pages/p0091.tex Chapter 1 ends; fn 150-151; specimen phrase from the Grammar title page +92 90 90 text done src/pages/p0092.tex Chapter 2 "The Chronicle Press" begins; fn 1-6 +93 91 91 text done src/pages/p0093.tex Chapter 2; fn 7-12; 8 inline CP1/CW1 specimens +94 92 92 plate done src/pages/p0094.tex plate 37; crop --bottom 0.16 +95 93 plate done src/pages/p0095.tex plate 38; crop --bottom 0.13 +96 94 94 text done src/pages/p0096.tex Chapter 2; fn 13-15 +97 95 95 text done src/pages/p0097.tex Chapter 2; fn 16-21 +98 96 plate done src/pages/p0098.tex plate 39; crop --box 0.155,0.038,0.715,0.695 (page no. level with the frame) +99 97 plate done src/pages/p0099.tex plate 40; crop --top 0.055 --bottom 0.13 +100 98 plate done src/pages/p0100.tex plate 41; crop --top 0.05 --bottom 0.13 +101 99 99 plate done src/pages/p0101.tex plate 42; crop --top 0.055 --bottom 0.16 +102 100 100 plate done src/pages/p0102.tex plate 43; crop --box 0.06,0.052,0.80,0.87 — the thesis page no. sits level with the source running head, so that head is cropped away +103 101 101 text done src/pages/p0103.tex Chapter 2 ends; fn 22-23 +104 102 102 text done src/pages/p0104.tex Chapter 3 begins (3.i Serampore Mission Press); fn 1-5 +105 103 103 text done src/pages/p0105.tex Chapter 3; fn 6-11 +106 104 104 text done src/pages/p0106.tex Chapter 3; fn 12-16; handwritten i in activities adopted +107 105 105 text done src/pages/p0107.tex Chapter 3; fn 17-24; handwritten "favour of" adopted +108 106 106 text done src/pages/p0108.tex Chapter 3; fn 25-31 +109 107 107 text done src/pages/p0109.tex Chapter 3; fn 32-37 +110 108 108 text done src/pages/p0110.tex Chapter 3; fn 38-44; handwritten struck e (Matiura) and inserted "complete" adopted +111 109 109 plate done src/pages/p0111.tex plate 44; sideways in original: crop --box 0.05,0.04,0.86,0.80 --rotate 270 +112 110 text done src/pages/p0112.tex Chapter 3; fn 45-48 +113 111 111 text done src/pages/p0113.tex Chapter 3; fn 49-50; 20 inline SB1 specimens +114 112 112 plate done src/pages/p0114.tex plate 45; sideways: crop --box 0.05,0.025,0.88,0.82 --rotate 270 --trim 0,0.035,0,0 +115 113 113 text done src/pages/p0115.tex Chapter 3; fn 51-53; 12 inline SB1 specimens; erratum twelth +116 114 114 text done src/pages/p0116.tex Chapter 3; fn 54-58 +117 115 115 text done src/pages/p0117.tex Chapter 3; fn 59-62; 2 inline specimens; erratum Charaters +118 116 116 text done src/pages/p0118.tex Chapter 3; fn 63-70; original spellings idolotrous/proponderance/intially kept +119 117 117 text done src/pages/p0119.tex Chapter 3; fn 71-76; erratum intitiate +120 118 118 text done src/pages/p0120.tex Chapter 3; fn 77-81; Ward 1811 letter quoted +121 119 119 text done src/pages/p0121.tex Chapter 3; fn 82-87; 4 inline SB1R specimens +122 120 plate done src/pages/p0122.tex plate 46; crop --bottom 0.13 +123 121 121 text done src/pages/p0123.tex Chapter 3; fn 88-92; 1813 Memoir quoted +124 122 122 plate done src/pages/p0124.tex plate 47; sideways: crop --box 0.06,0.04,0.81,0.86 --rotate 270 --trim 0,0.03,0,0 +125 123 123 text done src/pages/p0125.tex Chapter 3; fn 93-94; 3 inline SB2 specimens; erratum possibilites +126 124 124 text done src/pages/p0126.tex Chapter 3; fn 95-98; 9 inline SB3/SB3R specimens +127 125 plate done src/pages/p0127.tex plate 48; crop --bottom 0.13 +128 126 plate done src/pages/p0128.tex plate 49; crop --bottom 0.13 +129 127 127 text done src/pages/p0129.tex Chapter 3; fn 99-102; 5 inline SB4 specimens; erratum accomodates; opens 1818 Report quotation +130 128 plate done src/pages/p0130.tex plate 50; crop --bottom 0.13 +131 129 129 plate done src/pages/p0131.tex plate 51; sideways: crop --box 0.06,0.09,0.82,0.78 --rotate 270 +132 130 130 text done src/pages/p0132.tex Chapter 3; fn 103-109; closes the 1818 Report quotation; original "continous" kept (inside quotation) +133 131 131 text done src/pages/p0133.tex Chapter 3; fn 110-112 +134 132 132 text done src/pages/p0134.tex Chapter 3; fn 113-117; handwritten "Junior" adopted; erratum newpaper +135 133 133 text done src/pages/p0135.tex Chapter 3; fn 118; ends section 3.i +136 134 134 text done src/pages/p0136.tex Chapter 3 section 3.ii begins; fn 119-122 +137 135 text done src/pages/p0137.tex Chapter 3 3.ii; fn 123-131 +138 136 plate done src/pages/p0138.tex plate 52; 1826 specimen sheet; crop --top 0.055 --bottom 0.16 +139 137 137 plate done src/pages/p0139.tex plate 53; 1826 specimen sheet; crop --top 0.055 --bottom 0.16 +140 138 138 plate done src/pages/p0140.tex plate 54; 1826 specimen sheet; crop --top 0.055 --bottom 0.16 +141 139 139 plate done src/pages/p0141.tex plate 55; 1826 specimen sheet; crop --top 0.055 --bottom 0.16 +142 140 140 plate done src/pages/p0142.tex plate 56; 1826 specimen sheet; crop --top 0.055 --bottom 0.16 +143 141 141 plate done src/pages/p0143.tex plate 57; 1826 specimen sheet; crop --top 0.055 --bottom 0.16 +144 142 142 plate done src/pages/p0144.tex plate 58; 1826 specimen sheet; crop --top 0.055 --bottom 0.16 +145 143 143 text done src/pages/p0145.tex Chapter 3 3.ii; fn 132-137; the original Fig 1 cut as plates/p0145.png (crop --box 0.06,0.19,0.73,0.39) +146 144 plate done src/pages/p0146.tex plate 59; crop --bottom 0.13 +147 145 145 text done src/pages/p0147.tex Chapter 3 3.ii; fn 138-140; Montagu quoted +148 146 146 text done src/pages/p0148.tex Chapter 3 3.ii; fn 141-144; 5 inline BM/VF1 specimens +149 147 147 plate done src/pages/p0149.tex plate 60 +150 148 148 plate done src/pages/p0150.tex plate 61 +151 149 plate done src/pages/p0151.tex plate 62 +152 150 plate done src/pages/p0152.tex plate 63 +153 151 151 plate done src/pages/p0153.tex plate 64 +154 152 152 text done src/pages/p0154.tex Chapter 3 3.ii ends; fn 145 +155 153 153 text done src/pages/p0155.tex Chapter 3 section 3.iii begins; fn 146-151; two handwritten corrections adopted +156 154 154 plate done src/pages/p0156.tex plate 65 +157 155 155 text done src/pages/p0157.tex Chapter 3 3.iii; fn 152-154 +158 156 156 plate done src/pages/p0158.tex plate 66 +159 157 157 text done src/pages/p0159.tex Chapter 3 3.iii; fn 155-159; 4 inline specimens +160 158 158 text done src/pages/p0160.tex Chapter 3 3.iii; fn 160-163 +161 159 159 plate done src/pages/p0161.tex plate 67 +162 160 text done src/pages/p0162.tex Section B title page +163 161 161 text done src/pages/p0163.tex Chapter 4 begins; fn 1-7 +164 162 162 plate done src/pages/p0164.tex plate 68 +165 163 163 text done src/pages/p0165.tex Chapter 4; fn 8-15 +166 164 164 text done src/pages/p0166.tex Chapter 4; fn 16-19; handwritten "shortcoming" adopted; erratum unsuitablity +167 165 165 plate done src/pages/p0167.tex plate 69 +168 166 plate done src/pages/p0168.tex plate 70 +169 167 167 text done src/pages/p0169.tex Chapter 4; fn 20-23; 2 inline Bolts specimens +170 168 plate done src/pages/p0170.tex plate 71 +171 169 169 text done src/pages/p0171.tex Chapter 4; fn 24-26; Halhed quoted (egregriously/compleated are the quotation as printed) +172 170 170 text done src/pages/p0172.tex Chapter 4 ends; fn 27-30 +173 171 171 text done src/pages/p0173.tex Chapter 5 begins; fn 1-5; note 1 supplied by hand in the scan +174 172 172 text done src/pages/p0174.tex Chapter 5; fn 6-11; Ouseley advertisement quoted +175 173 plate done src/pages/p0175.tex plate 72 +176 174 174 text done src/pages/p0176.tex Chapter 5; fn 12-15 +177 175 175 plate done src/pages/p0177.tex plate 73 +178 176 176 text done src/pages/p0178.tex Chapter 5; fn 16-24 +179 177 177 plate done src/pages/p0179.tex plate 74 +180 178 178 plate done src/pages/p0180.tex plate 75 +181 179 179 text done src/pages/p0181.tex Chapter 5; fn 25-26; 11 inline VF1/SB4 specimens +182 180 plate done src/pages/p0182.tex plate 76 +183 181 181 text done src/pages/p0183.tex Chapter 5; fn 27-30; 7 inline specimens (note 30 words cut at 300dpi x1084-1275 and x1470-1642, y 0.9085-0.9235) +184 182 182 plate done src/pages/p0184.tex plate 77 +185 183 text done src/pages/p0185.tex Chapter 5; fn 31-37; 6 inline VF1 specimens +186 184 184 plate done src/pages/p0186.tex plate 78 +187 185 185 plate done src/pages/p0187.tex plate 79; photographic plate: crop --box 0.075,0.055,0.805,0.90 +188 186 plate done src/pages/p0188.tex plate 80; crop --top 0.06 --bottom 0.13 +189 187 plate done src/pages/p0189.tex plate 81 +190 188 188 text done src/pages/p0190.tex Chapter 5; fn 38-43; two handwritten insertions adopted (indigenous, accommodate) +191 189 189 plate done src/pages/p0191.tex plate 82 +192 190 190 plate done src/pages/p0192.tex plate 83 +193 191 191 plate done src/pages/p0193.tex plate 84 +194 192 192 text done src/pages/p0194.tex Chapter 5; fn 44-46; Figgins II and Hansard quoted +195 193 193 text done src/pages/p0195.tex Chapter 5; fn 47-54; 5 inline VF1 specimens; handwritten "available" adopted +196 194 plate done src/pages/p0196.tex plate 85 +197 195 plate done src/pages/p0197.tex plate 86 +198 196 196 text done src/pages/p0198.tex Chapter 5; fn 55-60; opens Forbes 1861 quotation +199 197 197 text done src/pages/p0199.tex Chapter 5; fn 61-69; closes the Forbes quotation +200 198 198 plate done src/pages/p0200.tex plate 87 +201 199 199 text done src/pages/p0201.tex Chapter 5; fn 70-73 +202 200 plate done src/pages/p0202.tex plate 88 +203 201 plate done src/pages/p0203.tex plate 89 +204 202 202 text done src/pages/p0204.tex Chapter 5; fn 74-77 +205 203 203 text done src/pages/p0205.tex Chapter 5; fn 78-79; 6 inline RW1 specimens +206 204 plate done src/pages/p0206.tex plate 90 +207 205 205 text done src/pages/p0207.tex Chapter 5; fn 80-84; 10 inline RW1 specimens +208 206 206 plate done src/pages/p0208.tex plate 91 +209 207 207 plate done src/pages/p0209.tex plate 92 +210 208 208 text done src/pages/p0210.tex Chapter 5; fn 85-89; extract (qslip tounge) +211 209 plate done src/pages/p0211.tex plate 93 +212 210 210 plate done src/pages/p0212.tex plate 94 +213 211 211 text done src/pages/p0213.tex Chapter 5 end; fn 90-93; handwritten insertion of Figgins possessive adopted +214 212 plate done src/pages/p0214.tex plate 95 +215 213 213 plate done src/pages/p0215.tex plate 96 +216 214 214 text done src/pages/p0216.tex Chapter 6 opens; fn 1-5 +217 215 215 text done src/pages/p0217.tex Chapter 6; fn 6-11; erratum Portugese; extract opens (French, continues) +218 216 plate done src/pages/p0218.tex plate 97; --box 0.1435,0.1905,0.6875,0.4575 +219 217 217 text done src/pages/p0219.tex Chapter 6; fn 12-17; two French extracts (first closes here) +220 218 218 text done src/pages/p0220.tex Chapter 6; fn 18-23 +221 219 219 text done src/pages/p0221.tex Chapter 6; fn 24-30; erratum Propoganda; handwritten l giving appellations (n.27) +222 220 220 plate done src/pages/p0222.tex plate 98; --raw --box 0.0974,0.0834,0.7679,0.7793 +223 221 221 plate done src/pages/p0223.tex plate 99; --raw --box 0.0977,0.0871,0.7573,0.7727 +224 222 222 text done src/pages/p0224.tex Chapter 6; fn 31-33; 24 inline IR1 specimens; erratum comparision +225 223 plate done src/pages/p0225.tex plate 100; --raw --box 0.2237,0.0814,0.6285,0.6400 +226 224 224 text done src/pages/p0226.tex Chapter 6; fn 34-37; 10 inline IR1 specimens; handwritten: preceding, principal, Poincons cedilla +227 225 225 plate done src/pages/p0227.tex plate 101; --raw --box 0.0795,0.0881,0.8111,0.8271 +228 226 226 text done src/pages/p0228.tex Chapter 6; fn 38-40; handwritten cedillas on Poincons (x3) and accents +229 227 227 text done src/pages/p0229.tex Chapter 6; fn 41-44; 6 inline CW3/IR1 specimens +230 228 228 plate done src/pages/p0230.tex plate 102; --raw --box 0.0909,0.0822,0.7511,0.7806 +231 229 229 plate done src/pages/p0231.tex plate 103; --raw --box 0.0953,0.0635,0.6522,0.7644 +232 230 230 text done src/pages/p0232.tex Chapter 6; fn 45-48; extract opens (continues) +233 231 231 text done src/pages/p0233.tex Chapter 6; fn 49-53; two extracts +234 232 232 text done src/pages/p0234.tex Chapter 6; fn 54-57; handwritten "the" inserted before whole +235 233 233 text done src/pages/p0235.tex Chapter 6; fn 58-62; handwritten umlaut giving erblaendischen +236 234 234 text done src/pages/p0236.tex Chapter 6; fn 63-68; erratum Propoganda +237 235 235 plate done src/pages/p0237.tex plate 104; sideways; --raw --box 0.0929,0.0755,0.8294,0.8079 --rotate 270 +238 236 236 plate done src/pages/p0238.tex plate 105; --raw --box 0.1216,0.0733,0.6722,0.6561 +239 237 237 text done src/pages/p0239.tex Chapter 6; fn 69-70; 8 inline KKB specimens +240 238 238 text done src/pages/p0240.tex Chapter 6; fn 71-76; two German extracts; handwritten e giving abgenommene +241 239 239 text done src/pages/p0241.tex Chapter 6; fn 77-78 +242 240 240 text done src/pages/p0242.tex Chapter 6 end; fn 79-81; erratum Propoganda +243 241 text done src/pages/p0243.tex Section C title page +244 242 242 text done src/pages/p0244.tex Chapter 7 opens; fn 1-4; opening extract +245 243 243 text done src/pages/p0245.tex Chapter 7; fn 5-12 +246 244 244 text done src/pages/p0246.tex Chapter 7; fn 13-16; extract (qslip aquainted) +247 245 245 mixed done src/pages/p0247.tex Chapter 7; fn 17-18; unnumbered figure (crop box 339,151,1704,679); extract +248 246 246 text done src/pages/p0248.tex Chapter 7; fn 19-21; qslip professsional +249 247 247 plate done src/pages/p0249.tex plate 106; dark photographic plate, sideways, bleeds; --raw --box 0.0,0.0470,0.8980,0.9439 --rotate 270; caption from List of Plates (none printed on the page) +250 248 248 text done src/pages/p0250.tex Chapter 7; fn 22-27; handwritten "susceptible" inserted +251 249 249 plate done src/pages/p0251.tex plate 107; sideways; --raw --box 0.0980,0.0855,0.8996,0.8018 --rotate 270 +252 250 250 text done src/pages/p0252.tex Chapter 7; fn 28-30; 1 inline GV2 specimen +253 251 251 plate done src/pages/p0253.tex plate 108; sideways; --raw --box 0.0970,0.0832,0.9018,0.8227 --rotate 270 +254 252 252 plate done src/pages/p0254.tex plate 109; sideways; --raw --box 0.0924,0.1078,0.9002,0.8834 --rotate 270 +255 253 253 plate done src/pages/p0255.tex plate 110; sideways; --raw --box 0.0991,0.1190,0.9013,0.8762 --rotate 270 +256 254 254 text done src/pages/p0256.tex Chapter 7; fn 31-35; 1 inline GV3 specimen +257 255 255 plate done src/pages/p0257.tex plate 111; sideways; --raw --box 0.0750,0.0832,0.9023,0.8669 --rotate 270 +258 256 256 plate done src/pages/p0258.tex plate 112; sideways; --raw --box 0.1000,0.0952,0.9020,0.7673 --rotate 270 +259 257 257 plate done src/pages/p0259.tex plate 113; sideways; --raw --box 0.0948,0.1299,0.9017,0.8834 --rotate 270 +260 258 258 text done src/pages/p0260.tex Chapter 7; fn 36-41 +261 259 259 mixed done src/pages/p0261.tex Chapter 7; fn 42-47; 9 inline specimens; tier figure (crop box 519,1988,1616,2310); erratum ommission +262 260 260 text done src/pages/p0262.tex Chapter 7; fn 48-49; erratum Vidayratna +263 261 plate done src/pages/p0263.tex plate 114; sideways; --raw --box 0.1049,0.0772,0.8340,0.7853 --rotate 270 +264 262 262 plate done src/pages/p0264.tex plate 115; sideways; --raw --box 0.1092,0.1190,0.9021,0.7855 --rotate 270 +265 263 263 text done src/pages/p0265.tex Chapter 7 end; fn 50-54; erratum Depite +266 264 264 plate done src/pages/p0266.tex plate 116; sideways; --raw --box 0.0545,0.0782,0.9035,0.8315 --rotate 270 +267 265 265 plate done src/pages/p0267.tex plate 117; --raw --box 0.2538,0.0821,0.6035,0.7563 +268 266 266 text done src/pages/p0268.tex Part II title page +269 267 267 text done src/pages/p0269.tex Chapter 8 opens; fn 1-6 +270 268 plate done src/pages/p0270.tex plate 118; --raw --box 0.1097,0.0490,0.8304,0.7872 +271 269 269 text done src/pages/p0271.tex Chapter 8; fn 7-14 +272 270 plate done src/pages/p0272.tex plate 119; two halftones; PIL: white out page number rect 1900,130,2120,215 then crop 441,75,2030,2789 (the printed page number sits inside the plate column range, so no --box can exclude it) +273 271 271 text done src/pages/p0273.tex Chapter 8; fn 15-21; handwritten: "metal" inserted, "m" giving accommodated +274 272 272 text done src/pages/p0274.tex Chapter 8; fn 22-26; erratum inadmissable +275 273 plate done src/pages/p0275.tex plate 120; --raw --box 0.1891,0.1028,0.6660,0.7550 +276 274 274 text done src/pages/p0276.tex Chapter 8; fn 27-30; extract; 2 inline Devanagari specimens (d01 box 560,2946,737,2997; d02 = run 5:last) +277 275 275 text done src/pages/p0277.tex Chapter 8; fn 31-35 +278 276 276 text done src/pages/p0278.tex Chapter 8; fn 36-40; extract (qslip Pharamaceutical) +279 277 277 text done src/pages/p0279.tex Chapter 8; fn 41-44 +280 278 278 text done src/pages/p0280.tex Chapter 8; fn 45-48; three extracts +281 279 279 text done src/pages/p0281.tex Chapter 8; fn 49-55; erratum auxillary +282 280 280 plate done src/pages/p0282.tex plate 121; --raw --box 0.0700,0.0855,0.7994,0.8080 +283 281 281 text done src/pages/p0283.tex Chapter 8; fn 56-60; extract +284 282 282 text done src/pages/p0284.tex Chapter 8; fn 61-64; two extracts +285 283 283 text done src/pages/p0285.tex Chapter 8; fn 65-71; handwritten "m" giving accommodate +286 284 284 text done src/pages/p0286.tex Chapter 8; fn 72-78; handwritten "m" giving accommodate +287 285 plate done src/pages/p0287.tex plate 122; --raw --box 0.1323,0.0833,0.6401,0.6766 +288 286 286 text done src/pages/p0288.tex Chapter 8; fn 79-80; 6 inline Linotype specimens; handwritten: r giving occurred, "on" completing phenomenon +289 287 plate done src/pages/p0289.tex plate 123; --raw --box 0.1622,0.1913,0.6470,0.6372 +290 288 288 text done src/pages/p0290.tex Chapter 8; fn 81-83; 6 inline Linotype specimens; errata elments, newpaper +291 289 289 plate done src/pages/p0291.tex plate 124; --raw --box 0.0935,0.0661,0.8820,0.8763 +292 290 plate done src/pages/p0292.tex plate 125; --raw --box 0.1414,0.0766,0.6737,0.7779 +293 291 291 text done src/pages/p0293.tex Chapter 8; fn 84-86; 6 inline Linotype specimens; erratum vowl +294 292 plate done src/pages/p0294.tex plate 126; --raw --box 0.1507,0.0583,0.7825,0.7661 +295 293 293 text done src/pages/p0295.tex Chapter 8; fn 87-89; 14 inline Linotype specimens +296 294 294 text done src/pages/p0296.tex Chapter 8; fn 90-94 +297 295 295 text done src/pages/p0297.tex Chapter 8; fn 95-97; 12 inline Linotype specimens; errata Insufficent, compliments +298 296 plate done src/pages/p0298.tex plate 127; --raw --box 0.1308,0.0751,0.7185,0.8407 +299 297 297 text done src/pages/p0299.tex Chapter 8; fn 98-103; 5 inline specimens; qslip imposssible +300 298 298 plate done src/pages/p0300.tex plate 128; --raw --box 0.0974,0.0682,0.8392,0.7728 +301 299 299 plate done src/pages/p0301.tex plate 129; --raw --box 0.0967,0.0823,0.8438,0.7870 +302 300 300 text done src/pages/p0302.tex Chapter 8; fn 104-109 +303 301 plate done src/pages/p0303.tex plate 130; --raw --box 0.0,0.0758,0.8314,0.8818; handwritten annotations in the left margin kept +304 302 302 plate done src/pages/p0304.tex plate 131; sideways; --raw --box 0.0,0.0500,0.9067,0.9150 --rotate 270; handwritten annotations kept +305 303 303 text done src/pages/p0305.tex Chapter 8; fn 110-113; two extracts +306 304 304 plate done src/pages/p0306.tex plate 132; sideways; --raw --box 0.0841,0.0560,0.7849,0.8756 --rotate 270 +307 305 305 text done src/pages/p0307.tex Chapter 8; fn 114-118; extract (qslip seperate) +308 306 306 plate done src/pages/p0308.tex plate 133; sideways; --raw --box 0.0846,0.0728,0.7024,0.8940 --rotate 270 +309 307 307 text done src/pages/p0309.tex Chapter 8; fn 119-121; two extracts, the second continues +310 308 308 text done src/pages/p0310.tex Chapter 8 end; fn 122-124; extract closes; qslip Newpaper; erratum commmercial +311 309 309 text done src/pages/p0311.tex Chapter 9 opens; fn 1-5; two extracts +312 310 310 plate done src/pages/p0312.tex plate 134; halftone; --raw --box 0.1639,0.1764,0.7549,0.8530 +313 311 311 text done src/pages/p0313.tex Chapter 9; fn 6-11; extract +314 312 312 plate done src/pages/p0314.tex plate 135; --raw --box 0.1329,0.1104,0.8030,0.7693 +315 313 text done src/pages/p0315.tex Chapter 9; fn 12-16 +316 314 314 text done src/pages/p0316.tex Chapter 9; fn 17-21; erratum maufacturer +317 315 315 text done src/pages/p0317.tex Chapter 9; fn 22-26 +318 316 316 plate done src/pages/p0318.tex plate 136; halftone; --raw --box 0.1435,0.2488,0.7404,0.7079 +319 317 plate done src/pages/p0319.tex plate 137; halftone; --raw --box 0.1680,0.2880,0.7002,0.7461 +320 318 318 text done src/pages/p0320.tex Chapter 9; fn 27-29; erratum "by by"; handwritten "and see above p.267" added to n.27 +321 319 319 text done src/pages/p0321.tex Chapter 9; fn 30-36; erratum Morrison +322 320 320 plate done src/pages/p0322.tex plate 138; --raw --box 0.0600,0.0758,0.9027,0.6421 +323 321 321 text done src/pages/p0323.tex Chapter 9; fn 37; 10 inline Monotype 470 specimens +324 322 322 plate done src/pages/p0324.tex plate 139; halftone; --raw --box 0.0804,0.1124,0.8200,0.8567 +325 323 323 text done src/pages/p0325.tex Chapter 9; fn 38-42; 3 inline Series 700 specimens; erratum revison; handwritten h giving rhythm +326 324 324 plate done src/pages/p0326.tex plate 140; --raw --box 0.1194,0.0745,0.7281,0.5633 +327 325 325 plate done src/pages/p0327.tex plate 141; --raw --box 0.0953,0.1476,0.8312,0.5939; handwritten matrix numbers kept +328 326 326 plate done src/pages/p0328.tex plate 142; --raw --box 0.0570,0.0743,0.9043,0.7628 +329 327 plate done src/pages/p0329.tex plate 143; --raw --box 0.1445,0.1034,0.7164,0.8050 +330 328 328 plate done src/pages/p0330.tex plate 144; --raw --box 0.0569,0.0785,0.9029,0.7925 +331 329 plate done src/pages/p0331.tex plate 145; --raw --box 0.1333,0.1072,0.7026,0.8075 +332 330 330 text done src/pages/p0332.tex Chapter 9; fn 43-47; 1 inline repha specimen +333 331 331 text done src/pages/p0333.tex Chapter 9; fn 48-49; handwritten "from" inserted +334 332 plate done src/pages/p0334.tex plate 146; sideways; --raw --box 0.0927,0.0817,0.7767,0.8666 --rotate 270 +335 333 333 plate done src/pages/p0335.tex plate 147; --raw --box 0.0293,0.0822,0.9042,0.8950 +336 334 334 plate done src/pages/p0336.tex plate 148; --raw --box 0.0164,0.0528,0.8975,0.7503 +337 335 335 text done src/pages/p0337.tex Chapter 9; fn 50-53; extract (qslip here) +338 336 336 text done src/pages/p0338.tex Chapter 9; fn 54; extract; erratum minature; handwritten n giving manufacturers +339 337 337 text done src/pages/p0339.tex Chapter 9 end; short page, no notes +340 338 338 text done src/pages/p0340.tex Part III title page +341 339 339 text done src/pages/p0341.tex Chapter 10 opens; fn 1-4 +342 340 340 text done src/pages/p0342.tex Chapter 10; fn 5-8; handwritten "same" inserted at the page head +343 341 341 plate done src/pages/p0343.tex plate 149; halftone; --raw --box 0.2282,0.2342,0.6537,0.6042 +344 342 342 text done src/pages/p0344.tex Chapter 10; fn 9-15 +345 343 343 text done src/pages/p0345.tex Chapter 10; fn 16-21 +346 344 344 text done src/pages/p0346.tex Chapter 10; fn 22-26 +347 345 345 plate done src/pages/p0347.tex plate 150; --raw --box 0.0319,0.0528,0.8989,0.6375 +348 346 346 text done src/pages/p0348.tex Chapter 10; fn 27-30; extract; erratum Univerity +349 347 347 text done src/pages/p0349.tex Chapter 10; fn 31-34; handwritten m giving accommodate +350 348 348 text done src/pages/p0350.tex Chapter 10; fn 35-38; errata facilties, dropped "to" +351 349 349 text done src/pages/p0351.tex Chapter 10; fn 39-44; erratum compatability; handwritten n giving implemented +352 350 plate done src/pages/p0352.tex plate 151; three halftones; --raw --box 0.0700,0.0120,0.7300,0.9720; the printed caption overlaps the third photograph and so appears inside the image as well as below it +353 351 351 text done src/pages/p0353.tex Chapter 10; fn 45-47 +354 352 352 text done src/pages/p0354.tex Chapter 10; fn 48-52; three extracts; handwritten: accommodate, repertoire +355 353 353 text done src/pages/p0355.tex Chapter 10; fn 53-57; extracts; qslip compatability (quoted) +356 354 354 text done src/pages/p0356.tex Chapter 10; fn 58-60; 2 inline Devanagari specimens +357 355 plate done src/pages/p0357.tex plate 152; --raw --box 0.1855,0.3067,0.6537,0.4821 +358 356 356 text done src/pages/p0358.tex Chapter 10; fn 61-64; 3 inline Devanagari specimens +359 357 357 plate done src/pages/p0359.tex plate 153; --raw --box 0.0952,0.0713,0.8498,0.8130 +360 358 358 plate done src/pages/p0360.tex plate 154; --raw --box 0.0899,0.0698,0.8377,0.8054 +361 359 359 text done src/pages/p0361.tex Chapter 10; fn 65; extract; handwritten: compatibility, benefited +362 360 360 text done src/pages/p0362.tex Chapter 10; fn 66-71; erratum Megenthaler +363 361 plate done src/pages/p0363.tex plate 155; full-bleed photo; PIL: paint out the page number rect 1940,110,2130,225 with the surrounding tone, then crop 0,0,2250,3305; the printed caption overlaps the image +364 362 362 text done src/pages/p0364.tex Chapter 10; fn 72-73; handwritten strike giving benefited +365 363 363 text done src/pages/p0365.tex Chapter 10 end; fn 74; extract +366 364 364 text done src/pages/p0366.tex Chapter 11 opens; fn 1-4 +367 365 365 text done src/pages/p0367.tex Chapter 11; fn 5-7 +368 366 366 text done src/pages/p0368.tex Chapter 11; fn 8-14; handwritten: n giving fonts, i giving facilities (n.13) +369 367 plate done src/pages/p0369.tex plate 156; --raw --box 0.0966,0.1624,0.8189,0.7677 +370 368 368 text done src/pages/p0370.tex Chapter 11; fn 15-20; erratum diplay +371 369 369 plate done src/pages/p0371.tex plate 157; the scanned page is 5.04deg out of square; PIL: rotate(5.04) then crop 459,804,2586,2614 +372 370 370 plate done src/pages/p0372.tex plate 158; --raw --box 0.1000,0.0609,0.6812,0.7985; erratum charaters (also in the List of Plates) +373 371 plate done src/pages/p0373.tex plate 159; --raw --box 0.1361,0.1212,0.6094,0.6948 +374 372 372 plate done src/pages/p0374.tex plate 160; --raw --box 0.0098,0.0700,0.9057,0.7900 +375 373 373 text done src/pages/p0375.tex Chapter 11; fn 21-23 +376 374 text done src/pages/p0376.tex Chapter 11; fn 24-28 +377 375 375 text done src/pages/p0377.tex Chapter 11; fn 29-33; three extracts; 3 inline Bengali specimens +378 376 376 plate done src/pages/p0378.tex plate 161; --raw --box 0.2223,0.0772,0.5843,0.7334 +379 377 377 text done src/pages/p0379.tex Chapter 11; fn 34-36; erratum contraints +380 378 378 text done src/pages/p0380.tex Chapter 11; fn 37-39; errata possiblity, stokes +381 379 379 plate done src/pages/p0381.tex plate 162; --raw --box 0.1814,0.0896,0.6426,0.6471 +382 380 plate done src/pages/p0382.tex plate 163; --raw --box 0.1494,0.0109,0.6949,0.8861 +383 381 381 text done src/pages/p0383.tex Chapter 11; fn 40-43; 5 inline Bengali specimens; erratum feasability +384 382 382 plate done src/pages/p0384.tex plate 164; --raw --box 0.1125,0.0758,0.8174,0.8156 +385 383 383 text done src/pages/p0385.tex Chapter 11; fn 44-45; two extracts; 13 inline Bengali specimens +386 384 384 text done src/pages/p0386.tex Chapter 11; fn 46-47; 2 inline specimens; extract opens (continues) +387 385 plate done src/pages/p0387.tex plate 165; --raw --box 0.1394,0.0778,0.7043,0.6803 +388 386 386 text done src/pages/p0388.tex Chapter 11; fn 48-51; extract closes, second extract; erratum newpaper +389 387 387 plate done src/pages/p0389.tex plate 166; --raw --box 0.1426,0.1705,0.7323,0.7430 +390 388 388 plate done src/pages/p0390.tex plate 167; --raw --box 0.0581,0.0755,0.7733,0.8834 +391 389 389 text done src/pages/p0391.tex Chapter 11; no notes; 12 inline 202 Bengali specimens; handwritten: s giving newspaper, r giving occurring +392 390 390 text done src/pages/p0392.tex Chapter 11; fn 52-54; extract; 14 inline 202 Bengali specimens (j05 by explicit box 1348,610,1431,671) +393 391 391 plate done src/pages/p0393.tex plate 168; --raw --box 0.0912,0.0575,0.7649,0.8850 +394 392 392 plate done src/pages/p0394.tex plate 169; --raw --box 0.1012,0.0894,0.7573,0.7324 +395 393 393 plate done src/pages/p0395.tex plate 170; --raw --box 0.0914,0.0605,0.8124,0.8857 +396 394 394 plate done src/pages/p0396.tex plate 171; sideways; --raw --box 0.0293,0.0499,0.9074,0.8690 --rotate 270 +397 395 plate done src/pages/p0397.tex plate 172; sideways, bleeds; PIL: white out the page number rect 1970,158,2055,214 then crop 40,40,2300,3240 and ROTATE_270 +398 396 396 text done src/pages/p0398.tex Chapter 11; fn 55-61 +399 397 plate done src/pages/p0399.tex plate 173; --raw --box 0.1947,0.0789,0.6677,0.6205 +400 398 398 text done src/pages/p0400.tex Chapter 11; fn 62-66; extract +401 399 399 text done src/pages/p0401.tex Chapter 11; fn 67-70; 2 inline specimens +402 400 plate done src/pages/p0402.tex plate 174; --raw --box 0.1725,0.1073,0.7069,0.6582 +403 401 401 text done src/pages/p0403.tex Chapter 11; fn 71-72 +404 402 402 text done src/pages/p0404.tex Chapter 11; fn 73-75; extract +405 403 403 text done src/pages/p0405.tex Chapter 11; fn 76-77 +406 404 404 text done src/pages/p0406.tex Chapter 11 end; fn 78-80 +407 405 405 text done src/pages/p0407.tex Conclusion opens; fn 1-2 +408 406 406 text done src/pages/p0408.tex Conclusion; fn 3-8 +409 407 407 text done src/pages/p0409.tex Conclusion; fn 9-11 +410 408 408 text done src/pages/p0410.tex Conclusion; fn 12-16 +411 409 409 text done src/pages/p0411.tex Conclusion; fn 17-19 +412 410 410 text done src/pages/p0412.tex Conclusion end; short page, no notes +413 411 411 text done src/pages/p0413.tex Epilogue opens; fn 1-3; erratum ouput +414 412 412 text done src/pages/p0414.tex Epilogue; fn 4-11 +415 413 413 plate done src/pages/p0415.tex plate 175; --raw --box 0.0863,0.0829,0.7963,0.7318 +416 414 plate done src/pages/p0416.tex plate 176; four figures; --raw --box 0.1243,0.0530,0.6996,0.8948 +417 415 415 text done src/pages/p0417.tex Epilogue; fn 12-13 +418 416 416 text done src/pages/p0418.tex Epilogue; fn 14; erratum exits +419 417 417 plate done src/pages/p0419.tex plate 177; --raw --box 0.0915,0.0726,0.8537,0.6943 +420 418 418 plate done src/pages/p0420.tex plate 178; --raw --box 0.0976,0.0579,0.8706,0.7109 +421 419 text done src/pages/p0421.tex Bibliography title page; partstart with an empty title to match the original centring +422 420 text done src/pages/p0422.tex Bibliography: unpublished sources; new biblist/bibgroup/bibhead macros +423 421 421 text done src/pages/p0423.tex Bibliography cont.; published sources begin +424 422 422 text done src/pages/p0424.tex Bibliography cont. +425 423 423 text done src/pages/p0425.tex Bibliography cont. +426 424 424 text done src/pages/p0426.tex Bibliography cont. +427 425 425 text done src/pages/p0427.tex Bibliography cont. +428 426 426 text done src/pages/p0428.tex Bibliography cont. +429 427 427 text done src/pages/p0429.tex Bibliography cont.; Bengali-language section begins +430 428 428 text done src/pages/p0430.tex Bibliography cont. +431 429 429 text done src/pages/p0431.tex Bibliography end; last page; library stamp not reproduced diff --git a/older-versions/preamble-v1-pagefaithful.tex b/older-versions/preamble-v1-pagefaithful.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9b3b5c1 --- /dev/null +++ b/older-versions/preamble-v1-pagefaithful.tex @@ -0,0 +1,68 @@ +% ross-thesis re-typeset — shared preamble +\documentclass[11pt,letterpaper,oneside]{article} +\usepackage[letterpaper,top=1.05in,bottom=1.0in,left=1.25in,right=1.25in,headheight=14pt,headsep=0.35in,footskip=0.4in]{geometry} +\usepackage{fontspec} +\setmainfont{Liberation Serif} +\setsansfont{Liberation Sans} +\newfontfamily\bnfont{FreeSerif}[Script=Bengali] +\usepackage[Latin]{ucharclasses} % (kept for future automatic Bengali fallback) +\usepackage{setspace} +\usepackage{scrextend} % addmargin +\usepackage{graphicx} +\usepackage{fancyhdr} +\usepackage{xcolor} +\usepackage{microtype} +\usepackage[bookmarks,bookmarksnumbered=false,hidelinks,pdfusetitle]{hyperref} +\hypersetup{pdftitle={The Evolution of the Printed Bengali Character from 1778 to 1978}, + pdfauthor={Fiona Georgina Elisabeth Ross}, + pdfsubject={Ph.D. thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1988 (re-typeset edition)}, + pdfkeywords={Bengali, Bangla, typography, type design, printing history, Linotype, photocomposition}} + +% ---- page-number-faithful page environment ------------------------------- +% \origpage{N} begins an output page carrying the ORIGINAL printed number N. +% Every original page maps to exactly one output page. 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Ross, \emph{The Evolution of the Printed Bengali Character from 1778 to 1978} (Ph.D. thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1988), made in 2026 from the ProQuest scan of 431 leaves, ProQuest number 10731406. Every page was transcribed from the page image; the OCR text layer of the scan was not used as a source. + +The text is reflowed and the original pagination preserved. A number in the outer margin marks where each page of the 1988 thesis begins, and the running head gives the page range, so that the Contents, the List of Plates and the author's own cross-references still refer to the original numbering; each is linked to its marker. The footnotes are set as endnotes, grouped by chapter and keeping their numbers. + +The 178 plates are taken from the scan at 300 dpi without downsampling, cropped clear of the page number, caption and scanner margins, with the captions re-set. The type specimens the author sets into the run of her own sentences are likewise cut from the scan rather than retyped, since it is their letterforms that the argument concerns. + +Spelling and punctuation stand as printed, inconsistencies included: plate~110's caption reads \emph{Vy\=akarana} against plate~108's \emph{Vy\=akaraṇa}. The author's own slips are corrected and listed in the Errata; slips inside quoted matter are left as printed, since they may belong to the source quoted. Corrections she made by hand in the scanned copy are adopted. The library ownership stamps are omitted: they record where the scanned copy was shelved, not anything about the thesis. + +Set by XeLaTeX in TeX Gyre ScholaX, with Liberation Sans for the margin marks and running heads and Tiro Bangla for Bengali. The ProQuest notice that precedes the title page in the scan is given overleaf.\par +\endgroup + +\clearpage\thispagestyle{plain} +\begin{center}\bfseries Provenance notice of the scan (ProQuest leaf)\end{center} +\begin{addmargin}[0.4in]{0.4in}\footnotesize\centering\setlength{\parindent}{0pt} +ProQuest Number: 10731406\\[0.5em] +All rights reserved\\[0.5em] +INFORMATION TO ALL USERS\\ +The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.\\[0.5em] +In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion.\\[0.9em] +\includegraphics[height=0.62in]{plates/logo-proquest.png}\\[0.9em] +ProQuest 10731406\\[0.5em] +Published by ProQuest LLC (2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author.\\[0.5em] +All rights reserved.\\ +This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code Microform Edition \textcopyright{} ProQuest LLC.\\[0.5em] +ProQuest LLC.\\ 789 East Eisenhower Parkway\\ P.O. Box 1346\\ Ann Arbor, MI 48106 -- 1346 +\end{addmargin} + +\vfill +\begingroup\footnotesize\setstretch{1.15}\setlength{\parindent}{0pt} +\begin{addmargin}[0.4in]{0.4in} +The notice above is reproduced as it stands in the 2017 scan, and its particulars have since moved on: ProQuest LLC has been part of Clarivate Plc since December 2021, and the imprint, the address and the terms of supply are those of the scan's date rather than of this edition's. Copyright in the thesis remains the author's, which is the part of the notice that has not changed.\par +\end{addmargin} +\endgroup diff --git a/src/errata.tex b/src/errata.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..39acc05 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/errata.tex @@ -0,0 +1,105 @@ +% Errata: the original's own slips, corrected in this edition. +% One \erratumline{original page}{as printed}{corrected} per \erratum{}{} in +% src/pages/; tools/check.py enforces the correspondence. Keep in page order. +\erratumline{10}{Navarnārī}{Navanārī} +% list of plates, item 113: Nīlamaṇi Vāsaka's নবনারী (Calcutta, 1899). +\erratumline{20}{Orientalisch und}{Orientalisch-und} +% plate 2 caption; note 17 on p.19 gives the same title as `Orientalisch-und'. +\erratumline{25}{distiguish}{distinguish} +% note 24, quoting the British Standards Institution definition of `Latin'. +\erratumline{32}{Gento}{Gentoo} +% note 12; note 11 on the same page has `Gentoo'. +\erratumline{36}{(now known as the British Library in 1775-1776}{(now known as the British Library) in 1775-1776} +% note 23: the parenthesis was never closed. +\erratumline{39}{n.d.),p. 2.}{n.d.), p. 2.} +% note 35: no space after the comma. +\erratumline{49}{Advertisments}{Advertisements} +% body text; the author's own slip. +\erratumline{113}{twelth}{twelfth} +% note 51. +\erratumline{115}{Charaters}{Characters} +% note 59. +\erratumline{117}{intitiate}{initiate} +% body text. +\erratumline{123}{possibilites}{possibilities} +% body text. +\erratumline{127}{accomodates}{accommodates} +% note 100. +\erratumline{132}{newpaper}{newspaper} +% note 114. +\erratumline{150}{Susumācāra}{Susamācāra} +% plate 63's caption; plate 64 on the next page has the correct form. +\erratumline{164}{unsuitablity}{unsuitability} +% body text. +\erratumline{215}{Portugese}{Portuguese} +% note 6. +\erratumline{219}{Propoganda}{Propaganda} +% body text; the page's other occurrence is spelt correctly. +\erratumline{222}{comparision}{comparison} +% body text; the page's earlier occurrence is spelt correctly. +\erratumline{234}{Propoganda}{Propaganda} +% body text; cf. the same slip on orig. p.219. +\erratumline{240}{Propoganda}{Propaganda} +% body text; the third occurrence of this slip, after orig. pp. 219 and 234. +\erratumline{259}{ommission}{omission} +% body text. +\erratumline{260}{Vidāyratna}{Vidyāratna} +% body text; transposed letters. +\erratumline{263}{Depite}{Despite} +% body text. +\erratumline{272}{inadmissable}{inadmissible} +% body text. +\erratumline{279}{auxillary}{auxiliary} +% body text. +\erratumline{288}{elments}{elements} +% body text. +\erratumline{288}{newpaper}{newspaper} +% body text; the same slip as on orig. p.132. +\erratumline{291}{vowl}{vowel} +% body text. +\erratumline{295}{Insufficent}{Insufficient} +% note 97. +\erratumline{308}{commmercial}{commercial} +% body text. +\erratumline{314}{maufacturer}{manufacturer} +% body text. +\erratumline{318}{by by}{by} +% note 27; a doubled word. +\erratumline{319}{Morrison}{Morison} +% body text; spelt correctly as Morison in note 27 on orig. p.318. +\erratumline{323}{revison}{revision} +% body text. +\erratumline{336}{minature}{miniature} +% body text. +\erratumline{346}{Univerity}{University} +% body text. +\erratumline{348}{facilties}{facilities} +% body text. +\erratumline{349}{compatability}{compatibility} +% body text. +\erratumline{360}{Megenthaler}{Mergenthaler} +% body text. +\erratumline{368}{diplay}{display} +% body text. +\erratumline{11}{charaters}{characters} +% List of Plates, item 158. +\erratumline{370}{charaters}{characters} +% plate 158's caption; the same slip as in the List of Plates. +\erratumline{377}{contraints}{constraints} +% body text. +\erratumline{378}{possiblity}{possibility} +% body text. +\erratumline{378}{stokes}{strokes} +% body text. +\erratumline{381}{feasability}{feasibility} +% body text. +\erratumline{386}{newpaper}{newspaper} +% body text; the same slip as on orig. pp.132 and 288. +\erratumline{411}{ouput}{output} +% body text. +\erratumline{416}{exits}{exists} +% body text. +\erratumline{295}{compliments}{complements} +% body text; a word-choice slip, not a misspelling. +\erratumline{348}{not be}{not to be} +% body text; a dropped "to". diff --git a/src/main.tex b/src/main.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cbdb244 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/main.tex @@ -0,0 +1,713 @@ +% ross-thesis re-typeset — shared preamble (v2: reflowed edition) +\documentclass[12pt,letterpaper,oneside]{article} +% 5.2in measure: at 12pt that is roughly 70 characters a line, the readable +% range. The wider right margin carries the original-page marks. +\usepackage[letterpaper,top=0.95in,bottom=1in,left=1.05in,right=1.5in, + marginparwidth=0.8in,marginparsep=0.16in,headheight=15pt,headsep=0.3in,footskip=0.5in]{geometry} +\usepackage{fontspec} +% TeX Gyre ScholaX (Century Schoolbook): a bookish, wide, large-x-height face — +% markedly more readable than the Times-alikes at this measure, and still in the +% classic serif idiom of the original typescript. It lives in the TeX tree, which +% fontconfig does not index, so it is loaded by path. +\setmainfont{TeXGyreScholaX}[ + Path=/usr/share/texlive/texmf-dist/fonts/opentype/public/scholax/, + Extension=.otf, UprightFont=*-Regular, ItalicFont=*-Italic, + BoldFont=*-Bold, BoldItalicFont=*-BoldItalic] +\setsansfont{Liberation Sans} +\newfontfamily\bnfont{TiroBangla-Regular.ttf}[Path=fonts/,ItalicFont=TiroBangla-Italic.ttf,Script=Bengali,Scale=MatchLowercase] +\newfontfamily\bnsignfont{TiroBangla-Regular.ttf}[Path=fonts/,Script=Bengali,Scale=MatchLowercase,Renderer=OpenType] +% isolated combining signs: set by glyph index ({\bnsignfont\XeTeXglyph N}) to avoid the shaper's dotted circle +\usepackage[Bengali,Latin]{ucharclasses} +\setTransitionsFor{Bengali}{\begingroup\bnfont}{\endgroup} % any Bengali text → Tiro Bangla +\usepackage{setspace,scrextend,graphicx,xcolor,microtype,marginnote,fancyhdr,titlesec,ragged2e} +\usepackage[bookmarks,bookmarksnumbered=false,hidelinks,pdfusetitle]{hyperref} +\usepackage{enotez}\setenotez{backref=true,totoc=false} +\hypersetup{pdftitle={The Evolution of the Printed Bengali Character from 1778 to 1978}, + pdfauthor={Fiona Georgina Elisabeth Ross}, + pdfsubject={Ph.D. thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1988 — re-typeset searchable edition, 2026}, + pdfkeywords={Bengali, Bangla, typography, type design, printing history, Linotype, Monotype, photocomposition}} + +% ---- typographic settings ------------------------------------------------- +% Ragged right: the original is a typescript, and unjustified setting keeps the +% word spacing even — with hyphenation still on, so the rag stays shallow. +\RaggedRight +\frenchspacing +\hyphenpenalty=10000 \lefthyphenmin=62 \righthyphenmin=62 +\exhyphenpenalty=50 % an already-typed hyphen may still end a line, as in the original +\tolerance=4000 \emergencystretch=3em +% Hanging punctuation. Dashes are wide, so they hang far less than the small +% marks; quotes and full stops carry the effect. +\microtypesetup{protrusion=true,expansion=false,factor=1100} +\SetProtrusion{encoding=*,family=*}{\textemdash={50,50},\textendash={80,80}} +% No widows, no orphans, and a ragged bottom so pages are never stretched to +% force them out. +\widowpenalty=10000 \clubpenalty=10000 \displaywidowpenalty=10000 +\brokenpenalty=10000 \raggedbottom +\setlength{\parskip}{0.15em plus 0.1em} + +% ---- original pagination as margin marks -------------------------------- +% \origpage{N}: the ORIGINAL printed page N begins here. Sets a hyper-target +% (page.N), a bold sans number in the outer margin, a thin bar in the text, +% and a mark used by the running head to show the original page range. +\NewMarkClass{origpg} +\NewMarkClass{chap} +\newcommand{\pgmarknote}[1]{\marginnote{\sffamily\bfseries\small #1}} +\newcommand{\origpage}[1]{% + \InsertMark{origpg}{#1}\hypertarget{page.#1}{}% + \ifvmode\pgmarknote{#1}\else + \pgmarknote{#1}{\color{black!45}\rule[-0.3ex]{0.5pt}{1.8ex}}\hspace{0.15em}\fi\ignorespaces} +% \plateop{N}{no}{img}{caption}: a plate that begins original page N — the +% page mark stays with the plate wherever it is placed. +% NB \marginnote cannot place a note inside a minipage — it falls back to +% setting it inline, which overflows the measure when the plate fills the full +% width. So the page mark goes outside the minipage. +\newcommand{\plateop}[4]{\par\medskip\noindent\InsertMark{origpg}{#1}% + \hypertarget{page.#1}{}\pgmarknote{#1}% + \begin{minipage}{\textwidth}\centering + \includegraphics[width=\textwidth,height=0.74\textheight,keepaspectratio]{#3}\par\smallskip + {\footnotesize\setstretch{1.05}\raggedright #2. #4\par}\end{minipage}\par\medskip} +% \notesection: the endnotes set a step smaller and tighter than the text — +% there are hundreds of them and they are consulted, not read through. +\newcommand{\notesection}{\clearpage\pagestyle{notes}% + \pdfbookmark[0]{Notes}{sec:notes}% + \begingroup\small\setstretch{1.06}\setlength{\parskip}{0.35em}% + \printendnotes\endgroup} +\fancypagestyle{notes}{\fancyhf{}\renewcommand{\headrulewidth}{0pt} + \fancyhead[L]{\small Ross, \emph{The Evolution of the Printed Bengali Character} (1988)} + \fancyhead[R]{\small Notes}\fancyfoot[C]{\small\thepage}} +\newcommand{\origrange}{\IfMarksEqualTF{origpg}{top}{last}% + {orig.\ p.~\TopMark{origpg}}{orig.\ pp.~\TopMark{origpg}--\LastMark{origpg}}} +\pagestyle{fancy}\fancyhf{} +\renewcommand{\headrulewidth}{0pt} +\fancyhead[L]{\footnotesize\itshape\LastMark{chap}} +\fancyhead[R]{\footnotesize\origrange} +\fancyfoot[C]{\small\thepage} +\fancypagestyle{plain}{\fancyhf{}\renewcommand{\headrulewidth}{0pt}\fancyfoot[C]{\small\thepage}} + +% ---- notes: \fn{n}{text} → endnote pinned to the ORIGINAL footnote number n +\newcommand{\fn}[2]{\setcounter{endnote}{\numexpr#1-1\relax}\endnote{#2}} +\setenotez{list-name={Notes}, split=section, split-title={Notes to }, + split-heading={\endgraf\addvspace{1.3em}% + {\raggedright\large\bfseries #1\endgraf}\addvspace{0.5em}}, + reset=false, mark-cs={\textsuperscript}} + +% ---- structure: chapters are \section (feeds bookmarks + note grouping) ---- +\titleformat{\section}{\centering\large\bfseries}{}{0pt}{} +\titlespacing*{\section}{0pt}{0pt}{1.2em} +% \chapstart{Title}: new page, centred bold head, PDF bookmark; \thesection +% becomes the title so enotez groups notes as "Notes to ". +% \chapstart[Abstract]{...}: the optional argument is the short form used for the +% PDF outline and the running head, for a head the original sets on two lines +% (the Abstract repeats the thesis title above its own). +\makeatletter +\newcommand{\chapstart}[2][]{\clearpage\refstepcounter{section}% + \def\@tempa{#1}% + \ifx\@tempa\@empty + \gdef\thesection{#2}\InsertMark{chap}{#2}% + \section*{#2}\addcontentsline{toc}{part}{#2}% + \else + \gdef\thesection{#1}\InsertMark{chap}{#1}% + \section*{#2}\addcontentsline{toc}{part}{#1}% + \fi} +\makeatother +\newcommand{\chaphead}[2][]{\chapstart[#1]{#2}} +% \chapnum{Chapter 1}{Charles Wilkins}: chapter head as the original sets it, +% the chapter number over the title, both centred bold. Notes group under +% "Chapter 1: Charles Wilkins", matching the Contents. +\newcommand{\chapnum}[2]{\clearpage\stepcounter{navchap}\navfreezechap + \refstepcounter{section}\gdef\thesection{\navlab\ #2}% + \InsertMark{chap}{\thesection}% + \section*{#1\\[0.3em]#2}% + \ifnavinsec\addcontentsline{toc}{subsection}{\navlab\ #2}% + \else\addcontentsline{toc}{section}{\navlab\ #2}\fi} +\newcommand{\subhead}[1]{\noindent\emph{#1}\par} +% \subchap{3.i. The Serampore Mission Press.}: the original's section line under +% a chapter head — centred bold, a third line below \chapnum's two. +\newcommand{\subchap}[1]{\InsertMark{chap}{#1}\vspace{-0.4em}{\centering\large\bfseries #1\par}\medskip} +% extract: a displayed quotation, as the original sets them — indented from +% both margins, set solid, without quotation marks. An environment, not a +% macro, so a quotation broken by an original page break can open in one page +% file and close in the next (\origpage then sits inside it, as it should). +\newenvironment{extract} + {\par\medskip\begin{addmargin}[0.5in]{0.3in}\setstretch{1.06}\setlength{\parindent}{0pt}} + {\par\end{addmargin}\medskip} +% ---- navigation numbering ------------------------------------------------- +% The page carries the original's own labels ("Part I", "Chapter 6"); the PDF +% outline and the running head carry a positional one — I, I.A, I.A.1 — so a +% reader can tell depth at a glance and the outline nests. The author's chapter +% numbers are kept, so I.B.6 is her Chapter 6, in Section B of Part I. +\newcounter{navpart}\newcounter{navsec}\newcounter{navchap} +\newif\ifnavinsec +\newcommand{\navpartlabel}{}\newcommand{\navseclabel}{}\newcommand{\navlab}{} +\makeatletter +\newcommand{\navfreezepart}{\edef\navpartlabel{\@Roman\c@navpart}} +\newcommand{\navfreezesec}{\edef\navseclabel{\navpartlabel.\@Alph\c@navsec}} +\newcommand{\navfreezechap}{\ifnavinsec + \edef\navlab{\navseclabel.\@arabic\c@navchap}\else + \edef\navlab{\navpartlabel.\@arabic\c@navchap}\fi} +\makeatother +% \partstart{Part I}{Title}: the original's part- and section-title pages — the +% label and title centred in bold about two fifths down an otherwise blank page. +\newcommand{\partstart}[2]{\clearpage\stepcounter{navpart}\setcounter{navsec}{0}% + \navinsecfalse\navfreezepart\refstepcounter{section}% + \gdef\thesection{\navpartlabel\ #2}\InsertMark{chap}{\thesection}% + \vspace*{0.34\textheight}\section*{#1}\vspace{-0.7em}% + {\centering\large\bfseries #2\par}\medskip% + \addcontentsline{toc}{part}{\navpartlabel\ #2}} +% \sectionstart{Section A}{Title}: the original sets its section-title pages +% flush left — label at the head of the page, title about a third down. +\newcommand{\sectionstart}[2]{\clearpage\stepcounter{navsec}\navinsectrue\navfreezesec + \refstepcounter{section}\gdef\thesection{\navseclabel\ #2}% + \InsertMark{chap}{\thesection}% + \noindent{\large\bfseries #1}\par\vspace{0.30\textheight}% + \noindent{\large\bfseries #2}\par\medskip% + \addcontentsline{toc}{section}{\navseclabel\ #2}} +% \matterstart{Title}: an unnumbered top-level division (the Bibliography), +% set like a part title but outside the numbering. +\newcommand{\matterstart}[1]{\clearpage\refstepcounter{section}\gdef\thesection{#1}% + \InsertMark{chap}{\thesection}% + \vspace*{0.34\textheight}\section*{#1}\medskip% + \addcontentsline{toc}{part}{#1}} + + +% ---- Bibliography ------------------------------------------------------- +% The original sets its Bibliography solid: a bold group heading, then one +% entry per paragraph with the continuation lines indented. \begin{biblist} +% sets that block; \bibgroup{...} is a heading inside it. +\newenvironment{biblist} + {\par\begingroup\setlength{\parskip}{0pt}\setlength{\parindent}{1.6em}% + \everypar{\hangindent=1.6em\hangafter=1\relax}} + {\par\endgroup\medskip} +\newcommand{\bibgroup}[1]{\par\medskip{\everypar{}\noindent\textbf{#1}\par}} +\newcommand{\bibhead}[1]{\par\medskip{\everypar{}\centering\bfseries #1\par}\medskip} + +% ---- uncertain readings: rendered normally, logged for confirmation ------- +\newwrite\unsurefile +\newcommand{\unsure}[1]{#1\write\unsurefile{orig.p.\LastMark{origpg}: #1}} + +% ---- suspected slips inside quoted matter -------------------------------- +% \qslip{as printed}: a doubtful spelling inside a quotation. It is NEVER +% corrected — the slip may belong to the source rather than to Ross — but it is +% logged to qslips.log and listed in QUESTIONS.md so it can be checked against +% the original source. +\newwrite\qslipfile +\newcommand{\qslip}[1]{#1\write\qslipfile{orig.p.\LastMark{origpg}: #1}} + +% ---- errata: the original's own slips, corrected in this edition ---------- +% \erratum{corrected}{as printed}: sets the corrected reading in the text and +% logs the pair to errata.log. Every use must have a matching \erratumline in +% src/errata.tex (enforced by tools/check.py), which \printerrata sets out. +\newwrite\erratafile +\newcommand{\erratum}[2]{#1\write\erratafile{#2 -> #1}} +\newcommand{\erratumline}[3]{\noindent\makebox[0.6in][l]{p.~\pg{#1}}% + \parbox[t]{\dimexpr\textwidth-0.6in\relax}{\raggedright + reads `#2'; corrected here to `#3'}\par\smallskip} +\fancypagestyle{errata}{\fancyhf{}\renewcommand{\headrulewidth}{0pt} + \fancyhead[L]{\small Ross, \emph{The Evolution of the Printed Bengali Character} (1988)} + \fancyhead[R]{\small Errata}\fancyfoot[C]{\small\thepage}} +\newcommand{\printerrata}{\clearpage\pagestyle{errata}\section*{Errata}% + \pdfbookmark[0]{Errata}{sec:errata}% + {\small Slips in the original typescript that have been corrected in this + edition. The page number is the original's and links to the passage; the + reading as typed is given first. Corrections the author made by hand in the + scanned copy are adopted silently and are not listed here.\par}\medskip + \input{src/errata.tex}} + +% ---- plates ----------------------------------------------------------------- +% \plate{no}{img}{caption}: image at native 300 dpi (never downsampled), kept +% with its re-set caption; fills the text width up to 3/4 of the page height. +% \fig{img}: an unnumbered illustration the original sets in the run of the text +% (chapter 7's comparison of penned and cut letterforms). No plate number, no +% caption — the sentence before it carries the reference. Native size unless the +% cut is wider than the measure, in which case it shrinks to fit. +\newsavebox{\figbox} +\newcommand{\fig}[1]{\par\medskip\sbox{\figbox}{\includegraphics[scale=\igscale]{#1}}% + \begin{center}\ifdim\wd\figbox>\textwidth + \resizebox{\textwidth}{!}{\usebox{\figbox}}\else\usebox{\figbox}\fi + \end{center}\par\medskip} +\newcommand{\plate}[3]{\par\medskip\noindent\begin{minipage}{\textwidth}\centering + \includegraphics[width=\textwidth,height=0.74\textheight,keepaspectratio]{#2}\par\smallskip + {\footnotesize\setstretch{1.05}\raggedright #1. #3\par}\end{minipage}\par\medskip} +% \ig{img}: an inline type specimen cut from the 300 dpi scan by +% tools/crop_inline.py, set at its natural size (1 px = 1/300 in) so that +% specimens keep their relative sizes — a vowel sign must not come out as tall +% as a letter. Used where the original pastes typeforms into its own text. +% Native size: 1 px of the 300 dpi cut = 1/300 in. The specimens are NOT scaled +% up with the text — at 12/11 they took 90% of the line against the original's +% 74%, and it was the specimens that were too big, not the leading too small. +\newcommand{\igscale}{0.2409} % 72.27/300 — specimens at the size the original pastes them +\newcommand{\ig}[1]{\raisebox{-0.3ex}{\includegraphics[scale=\igscale]{#1}}} + +% ---- contents / list-of-plates lines -------------------------------------- +\newcommand{\pg}[1]{\hyperlink{page.#1}{#1}} +% Contents lines: the whole entry is a link to the chapter's opening page, +% not just the page number. +\newcommand{\tocl}[4]{\noindent\hspace*{#1}\hyperlink{page.#4}{\makebox[0.55in][l]{#2}% + \parbox[t]{\dimexpr\textwidth-#1-0.55in-0.5in\relax}{\RaggedRight #3}}\hfill\makebox[0.5in][r]{\pg{#4}}\par} +\newcommand{\toclnp}[3]{\noindent\hspace*{#1}\makebox[0.9in][l]{#2}\parbox[t]{\dimexpr\textwidth-#1-0.9in-0.5in\relax}{\RaggedRight #3}\par} +\newcommand{\pl}[3]{\noindent\makebox[0.35in][r]{#1.}\hspace{0.12in}% + \hyperlink{page.#3}{\parbox[t]{\dimexpr\textwidth-0.35in-0.12in-0.5in\relax}{\RaggedRight #2}}% + \hfill\makebox[0.5in][r]{\pg{#3}}\par} +\newcommand{\plx}[3]{\noindent\makebox[0.35in][r]{#1.}\hspace{0.12in}\parbox[t]{\dimexpr\textwidth-0.35in-0.12in-0.9in\relax}{\raggedright #2}\hfill\makebox[0.9in][r]{#3}\par} + +% Leading is set by the inline type specimens, not by the text: they are cut +% from the scan at fixed physical size, and a line box shorter than a specimen +% is pushed apart wherever one falls, giving exactly the uneven spacing the +% original avoids by setting wide throughout. +% +% Measured off the scan at 300 dpi (autocorrelation of the row-ink profile, so +% sub-line bands cannot halve the period): the original is leaded 94-95 px = +% 22.9 pt, uniformly, on plain text pages and specimen pages alike. Its +% specimens run to 16.9 pt at the 90th percentile - 74% of the line - and only +% 0.7% of them crowd it. 1.59 at 12pt reproduces that 22.9 pt line, and \igscale +% below reproduces the 74%. (Sammay, 2026-09-14: measured, not guessed - an +% earlier 1.42 with the specimens bumped 12/11 left 1.2 pt of white above a p90 +% specimen and pushed 7% of lines, which reads as a collision.) +\setstretch{1.59} +% First line indented, paragraph skip small: the original separates paragraphs +% by a blank line and never indents, but it is justified, so its blank line has +% a full flush line above it to sit against. Reflowed and ragged right, that cue +% is much weaker, and the indent carries it instead. 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+\begin{center} +\vspace*{2.3in} +{\bfseries The Evolution of the Printed Bengali Character\\[0.6em] from 1778 to 1978} + +\vspace{2.0in} +{\bfseries by}\\[0.6em] +{\bfseries Fiona Georgina Elisabeth Ross} + +\vfill +{\bfseries School of Oriental and African Studies\\ +University of London\\ +Thesis presented for the degree of\\ +Doctor of Philosophy\\ +1988} +\end{center} diff --git a/src/pages/p0004.tex b/src/pages/p0004.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..496a930 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0004.tex @@ -0,0 +1,24 @@ +% PDF page 4 — printed page 2 — Abstract +\chaphead[Abstract]{The Evolution of the Printed Bengali Character from 1778 to 1978\\Abstract} +\origpage{2} +\begingroup\setstretch{1.15} +The thesis traces the evolution of the printed image of the Bengali script from its inception in movable metal type to its current status in digital photocomposition. It is concerned with identifying the factors that influenced the shaping of the Bengali character by examining the most significant Bengali type designs in their historical context, and by analyzing the composing techniques employed during the past two centuries for printing the script. + +\subhead{Introduction:} +The thesis is divided into three parts according to the different methods of type manufacture and composition: + +\noindent 1. \emph{The Development of Movable Metal Types for the Bengali Script}\\ +Particular emphasis is placed on the early founts which lay the foundations of Bengali typography. Part 1 is subdivided into three sections, viz. \emph{Europeans in India, European Ventures,} and \emph{Indigenous Ventures.} + +\noindent 2. \emph{Mechanical Typefounding and Composition of Bengali}\\ +In assessing the adaptation of the Bengali script for mechanical composition, attention is paid to those developments which precipitated the transition of printing in India from a craft to an industry. + +\noindent 3. \emph{Photocomposition of the Bengali Script}\\ +The advantages of photocomposition are appraised in relation to new technical constraints imposed on type design. The description of the latest stage in the evolution of the printed Bengali character relates the practical implementation of this study's findings, viz. a new typesetting scheme and typeface design for the Bengali script. + +The \emph{Conclusion} considers the new methodology adopted for the development of digital Bengali founts and its relevance to the production of all vernacular typeforms. + +The \emph{Epilogue} discusses Bengali typewriter characters and low-resolution character shapes. It also considers the implications of new technology that places the design and production of founts in the hands of the non-professional designer. + +The thesis is intended to be of interest to the indologist, printing historian, type designer and type manufacturer. It comprises 11 chapters and includes 178 illustrations. +\endgroup diff --git a/src/pages/p0005.tex b/src/pages/p0005.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..40d3ff8 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0005.tex @@ -0,0 +1,42 @@ +% PDF page 5 — printed page 3 — Contents +\chaphead{CONTENTS} +\origpage{3} +\begingroup\setstretch{1.08}\setlength{\parskip}{0.1em} +\hfill Page\par +\toclnp{0in}{}{Abstract}\vspace{-1.2em}\hfill\pg{2}\par +\toclnp{0in}{}{Contents}\vspace{-1.2em}\hfill\pg{3}\par +\toclnp{0in}{}{Acknowledgements}\vspace{-1.2em}\hfill\pg{4}\par +\toclnp{0in}{}{List of Plates}\vspace{-1.2em}\hfill\pg{5}\par +\toclnp{0in}{}{Scheme of Transliteration}\vspace{-1.2em}\hfill\pg{13}\par +\toclnp{0in}{}{Abbreviations and Conventions}\vspace{-1.2em}\hfill\pg{14}\par +\toclnp{0in}{}{Introduction}\vspace{-1.2em}\hfill\pg{15}\par +\vspace{0.7em} +\toclnp{0in}{PART I}{\emph{Development of Movable Metal Types for the Bengali Script}} +\vspace{0.5em} +\toclnp{0in}{Section A.}{Europeans in India} +\tocl{0.9in}{1}{Charles Wilkins}{31} +\tocl{0.9in}{2}{The Chronicle Press}{90} +\tocl{0.9in}{3}{Missionaries in Bengal}{102} +\vspace{0.5em} +\toclnp{0in}{Section B.}{European Ventures} +\tocl{0.9in}{4}{William Bolts and Joseph Jackson}{161} +\tocl{0.9in}{5}{Vincent Figgins and Richard Watts}{171} +\tocl{0.9in}{6}{European Typefoundries}{214} +\vspace{0.5em} +\toclnp{0in}{Section C.}{Indigenous Ventures} +\tocl{0.9in}{7}{The Giriśa Vidyāratna Press and Later Foundry Types}{242} +\vspace{0.7em} +\toclnp{0in}{PART II}{\emph{Mechanical Typefounding and Composition of Bengali}} +\tocl{0.9in}{8}{Linotype Composition}{267} +\tocl{0.9in}{9}{Monotype Composition}{309} +\vspace{0.5em} +\toclnp{0in}{PART III}{\emph{Photocomposition of the Bengali Script}} +\tocl{0.9in}{10}{Filmsetting}{339} +\tocl{0.9in}{11}{Digital Photocomposition}{364} +\vspace{0.7em} +\toclnp{0in}{}{Conclusion}\vspace{-1.2em}\hfill\pg{405}\par +\vspace{0.35em} +\toclnp{0in}{}{Epilogue}\vspace{-1.2em}\hfill\pg{411}\par +\vspace{0.35em} +\toclnp{0in}{}{Bibliography}\vspace{-1.2em}\hfill\pg{419}\par +\endgroup diff --git a/src/pages/p0006.tex b/src/pages/p0006.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..704f560 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0006.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 6 — printed page 4 +\chaphead{Acknowledgements} +\origpage{4} +I should like to express my appreciation to my supervisor, Dr Tarapada Mukherjee, for his guidance and advice throughout this project; to the Department of Indology/South Asia at the School of Oriental and African Studies; to the staffs of the British Library, in particular of the North Library, of the Reading Room of the Oriental Collections, and of the India Office Library and Records; and to the staff of the St Bride Printing Library, who could not have been more helpful during the final stages of my research. Thanks are also due to the British and Foreign Bible Society, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, and the Baptist Missionary Society for allowing me to spend many hours studying their archive material; to Ananda Bazar Patrika Ltd; to the Monotype Corporation Ltd; to the Mergenthaler Linotype Co. for the loan of the MLCo Bengali development files; and to Linotype Ltd for the use of all the material held by the Department of Typographic Research and Development and for allowing me the time to undertake this work. + +I should particularly like to thank the following individuals: Graham Shaw and the late Mary Lloyd of the India Office Library and Records; James Mosley and Nigel Roche of the St Bride Printing Library; Paul-Marie Grinevald, Librarian to the Imprimerie Nationale; David Saunders of the Monotype Corporation; Revd Keith Skirrow of the Baptist Missionary Society; Steve Byers of Mergenthaler Linotype; Tim Holloway, consultant designer to Linotype Ltd; Mr S.C. Roy of Linotype Assoc. India Pvt. Ltd., and my colleagues at Linotype Ltd: Mike Fellows, who originally inspired me to write this thesis, for technical advice; Georgie Surman for reading through the various drafts of this work and making suggestions for improvements; Ros Coates for her help in correcting the proofs; and Roger Wells for his invaluable assistance in printing this thesis. I am very grateful to Steve Sidwell of Sidwell Computers Ltd for the loan of a word-processor. + +Finally I'd like to thank Jenny and Vicky Ross for their help and support; my father, Rear Admiral George Ross, who first stimulated my interest in Asian languages; and my grandmother, Lilla Boer, for her constant encouragement. I should like to end by thanking my husband, Rod Hollom, to whom I dedicate this thesis. If it had not been for his patience and understanding, this work would probably have never been completed. diff --git a/src/pages/p0007.tex b/src/pages/p0007.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ab7f010 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0007.tex @@ -0,0 +1,28 @@ +% PDF page 7 — printed page 5 — List of Plates (1–23) +\chaphead{List of Plates} +\origpage{5} +\begingroup\setstretch{1.1}\setlength{\parskip}{0.55em}\small +\plx{1}{Earliest extant copperplate engraving of Bengali characters; Thomas Goüye, \emph{Observations Physiques} \ldots\ (Paris, 1692)}{\emph{page} \pg{18}} +\pl{2}{`Bengalica'; John Chamberlayne, \emph{Oratio Dominica in diversas Omnium fere Gentium Linguas Versa} (Amsterdam, 1715) reprinted in Johann Friedrich Fritz, \emph{Orientalisch-und Occidentalischer Sprachmeister} (Leipzig, 1748)}{20} +\pl{3}{Bengali consonants; Georgio Jacobo Kehr, \emph{Aurenk Szeb} (Leipzig, 1725)}{21} +\pl{4}{Bengali numerals; Fritz, \emph{Sprachmeister}}{22} +\pl{5}{Bengali syllabary; David Mill, \emph{Dissertationes Selectae} \ldots\ (Leiden, 1743)}{23} +\pl{6}{`Bengali alphabet \ldots\ [with] connected vowels'; Nathaniel Brassey Halhed, trans., \emph{Code of Gentoo Laws} \ldots\ (London, 1776)}{24} +\pl{7}{Bengali manuscript: IOL BEN. MS S2846A - \emph{Caṇḍīmaṅgala}}{34} +\pl{8}{Bengali manuscript: IOL BEN. MS S2811A - \emph{Vidyāsundara}}{35} +\pl{9}{Bengali manuscript: BL MS Add. 5593 - \emph{Vidyāsundara}}{37} +\pl{10}{Bengali manuscript: BL MS Add. 5660F - \emph{Bāramāsyā}}{38} +\pl{11}{Bengali manuscript: BL MS Add. 5591: \emph{Rāmāyaṇa}}{40} +\pl{12}{Typeface nomenclature}{41} +\pl{13}{Modi Drawings from the IOL collection of Charles Wilkins's materials}{44} +\pl{14}{Bengali matrix from the IOL Wilkins collection (CW4)}{45} +\pl{15}{Illustration of a hand-mould; Joseph Moxon \emph{Mechanick Exercises} \ldots\ (rpt London, 1958)}{46} +\pl{16}{Charles Wilkins's first Bengali fount (CW1); N.B. Halhed, \emph{A Grammar of the Bengal Language,} (Hoogly, 1778)}{52} +\pl{17}{CW1: `The twelve P,HOLAAS'; Halhed, \emph{Grammar}}{53} +\pl{18}{CW1: alternative forms of \ig{plates/inline/p0007-g1.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0007-g2.png}; Halhed, \emph{Grammar}}{55} +\pl{19}{A Bengali Ode: CW1; N.B. Halhed, \emph{Preface to a Grammar of the Bengal Language} (Hoogly, 1778)}{61} +\pl{20}{BL MS Add. 5660F: Blank form printed with CW1}{62} +\pl{21}{Engraving of the Bengali cursive hand by Wilkins; Halhed, \emph{Grammar,} plate facing p. 209}{66} +\pl{22}{Second fount of Bengali types produced by Wilkins (CW2); Halhed, \emph{Grammar}}{67} +\pl{23}{Bengali manuscript (cursive hand): BL MS Add 5660E - `An Obligation'}{68} +\endgroup diff --git a/src/pages/p0008.tex b/src/pages/p0008.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9b9cbce --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0008.tex @@ -0,0 +1,24 @@ +% PDF page 8 — printed page 6 — List of Plates (24–43) +\origpage{6} +\begingroup\setstretch{1.1}\setlength{\parskip}{0.55em}\small +\pl{24}{Third fount of Bengali types produced by Wilkins (CW3); \emph{Bengal Translation of Extracts From the Regulations For the Conduct of the Collectors in the Revenue Department} (Calcutta, 1787)}{71} +\pl{25}{CW3: College of Fort William, Examination Paper (Calcutta, 1801)}{72} +\pl{26}{CW3: \emph{Additional Supplement to the Calcutta Gazette} (Calcutta, 1794) from the Berthold Wolpe Typographic Collection}{73} +\pl{27}{A galley proof of types cast from the Bengali matrices of the IOL Wilkins collection}{77} +\pl{28}{\emph{Specimen of Bengali and Modi Types} (London, 1981) cast from matrices of the IOL Wilkins collection}{78} +\pl{29}{The IOL Wilkins collection}{80} +\pl{30}{Fourth fount of Bengali types produced by Wilkins (CW4); Graves Chamney Haughton, \emph{Rudiments of Bengali Grammar,} (London, 1821)}{81} +\pl{31}{CW4: `Compound Letters', Haughton, \emph{Rudiments of Bengali Grammar}}{82} +\pl{32}{CW4: Bengali text; Haughton, \emph{Rudiments of Bengali Grammar}}{83} +\pl{33}{Engraving of `The Elements of the Devanagari Character' drawn by Charles Wilkins; C. Wilkins, \emph{A Grammar of the Sanskrita Language} (London, 1808)}{85} +\pl{34}{Engraving of Devanagari `Compound Consonants' drawn by Charles Wilkins; Wilkins, \emph{Grammar of the Sanskrita Language}}{86} +\pl{35}{Engraving of `The Bengali Alphabet' drawn by Charles Wilkins; Haughton, \emph{Rudiments of Bengali Grammar}}{87} +\pl{36}{Engraving of Bengali `Compound Consonants' drawn by J.H. Patton; Haughton, \emph{Rudiments of Bengali Grammar}}{88} +\pl{37}{Bengali types of the Chronicle Press (CP1); \emph{Iṅgrājī o Bāṅgalī Vokebilāri} (Calcutta, 1793)}{92} +\pl{38}{CP1; \emph{Iṅgrājī o Bāṅgalī Vokebilāri}}{93} +\pl{39}{Bengali/English title page; John Miller, \emph{The Tutor, or a New English and Bengalee Work, Well Adapted to Teach the Natives English} (Calcutta, 1797)}{96} +\pl{40}{Bengali transcription of the English alphabet; Miller, \emph{The Tutor}}{97} +\pl{41}{Bengali text from \emph{The Tutor}}{98} +\pl{42}{CP1: H.P. Forster, \emph{A Vocabulary in Two Parts, English and Bungalee} \ldots, 1 (Calcutta, 1799)}{99} +\pl{43}{Forster, \emph{Vocabulary,} first entry}{100} +\endgroup diff --git a/src/pages/p0009.tex b/src/pages/p0009.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fe8afa4 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0009.tex @@ -0,0 +1,30 @@ +% PDF page 9 — printed page 7 — List of Plates (44–69) +\origpage{7} +\begingroup\setstretch{1.1}\setlength{\parskip}{0.55em}\small +\pl{44}{First Serampore Bengali fount (SB1): \emph{Dharma Pustaka; Maṅgala Samācāra} (Serampore, 1801)}{109} +\pl{45}{SB1: \emph{Dharma Pustaka; Maṅgala Samācāra,} 2nd edn (Serampore, 1803 [1806])}{112} +\pl{46}{SB1R: \emph{Rājāvalī} (Serampore, 1814)}{120} +\pl{47}{SB2: William Carey, \emph{A Grammar of the Bengalee Language,} 4th edn (Serampore, 1818)}{122} +\pl{48}{SB3: \emph{Dharma Pustaka} (Serampore, 1829)}{125} +\pl{49}{SB3R: \emph{Dharma Pustaka, Antabhāga (Serampore, 1832)}}{126} +\pl{50}{SB4: \emph{Dharma Pustaka} (Serampore, 1832)}{128} +\pl{51}{Small Bengali heading type: \emph{Rāmāyaṇa} (Serampore, 1830)}{129} +\pl{52}{`Bengalee No. I' (BM I); \emph{Specimen of Printing Types in Use at the Calcutta Baptist Mission Press} (Calcutta, 1826)}{136} +\pl{53}{`Bengalee Type, No. II': (BM II)}{137} +\pl{54}{`Bengalee Type, No. III': (BM III)}{138} +\pl{55}{`Bengalee Type, No. IV': (BM IV)}{139} +\pl{56}{`Bengalee Type, No. V': (BM V)}{140} +\pl{57}{`Bengalee Type, No. VI': (VF1)}{141} +\pl{58}{`Bengalee Type, No. VIII': (BM VIII)}{142} +\pl{59}{Specimen of Bengali curvilinear fount; (BM III)}{144} +\pl{60}{Bengali titling fount; \emph{Hitopadeśa} (Baptist Mission Press: Calcutta, 1868)}{147} +\pl{61}{Bengali text; \emph{Hitopadeśa}}{148} +\pl{62}{\emph{Dharmapustakera Antabhāga; Nūtana Dharmaniyama} (Calcutta, 1865)}{149} +\pl{63}{Bengali title page; \emph{Saṭīka Susumācāra Catuṣṭaya} (Calcutta, 1872)}{150} +\pl{64}{Bengali text; \emph{Saṭīka Susumācāra Catuṣṭaya}}{151} +\pl{65}{William Morton, \emph{Dvibhāṣārthakābhidhāna, or A Dictionary of the Bengali Language} (Calcutta, 1828)}{154} +\pl{66}{Bengali imprint of the Bishop's College Press: title page (BC1) and text; \emph{Gīta Saṃhitā} (Calcutta, 1858)}{156} +\pl{67}{English/Bengali text; \emph{Gīta Saṃhitā}}{159} +\pl{68}{Engraving showing Joseph Jackson working at Caslon's foundry in 1750; T.B. Reed, \emph{History of Old English Letter Foundries} (London, 1887)}{162} +\pl{69}{Part of a specimen sheet of Joseph Jackson's Devanagari types}{165} +\endgroup diff --git a/src/pages/p0010.tex b/src/pages/p0010.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9fa410a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0010.tex @@ -0,0 +1,26 @@ +% PDF page 10 — printed page 8 — List of Plates (70–91) +\origpage{8} +\begingroup\setstretch{1.1}\setlength{\parskip}{0.55em}\small +\pl{70}{Specimen sheet showing Devanagari types attributable to Joseph Jackson}{166} +\pl{71}{William Bolts's specimen of Bengali types (September, 1773)}{168} +\pl{72}{Bengali and Persian types; \emph{Specimen of Printing Types by Vincent Figgins} (London, 1833)}{173} +\pl{73}{`Telegu Writing'; \emph{Specimen of a Fount of Telegu Cast by Vincent Figgins} (London, 1802)}{175} +\pl{74}{Vincent Figgins's Bengali fount (VF1); \emph{Specimen of Printing Types in Use at the Calcutta Baptist Mission Press} (Calcutta, 1826)}{177} +\pl{75}{VF1: Bengali text; \emph{Lukalikhita Susamācāra} (Calcutta, 1831)}{178} +\pl{76}{SB4: Bengali text; \emph{Dharma Pustaka} (Serampore, 1832)}{180} +\pl{77}{VF1: type specimen; Vincent and James Figgins, \emph{Epitome of Specimens} (London, 1847)}{182} +\pl{78}{VF1: type specimen; V. \& J. Figgins, \emph{Epitome of Specimens} (London, c. 1870)}{184} +\pl{79}{Title page; V. \& J. Figgins, \emph{New Specimens; Oriental Types} (London, 1884)}{185} +\pl{80}{VF1; `Bengali on Pica Body; \emph{New Specimens}}{186} +\pl{81}{Enlargements of VF1}{187} +\pl{82}{VF1: Broadsheet; V \& J. Figgins, \emph{Pica Bengali} (reduced by 20\%)}{189} +\pl{83}{VF1: proof of OUP types (1)}{190} +\pl{84}{VF1: proof of OUP types (2)}{191} +\pl{85}{VF1 printed by Stephen Austin; Duncan Forbes, \emph{A Grammar of the Bengālī Language} (London, 1861)}{194} +\pl{86}{VF1: Bengali text; Duncan Forbes, ed., \emph{The Bengali Reader} (London, 1862)}{195} +\pl{87}{Oxford University Press: Bengali case lays}{198} +\pl{88}{Specimen of Bengali types produced by Richard Watts (RW1); W.M. Watts, \emph{Oriental and Other Types in Sixty-Seven Languages or Dialects} (London [1851])}{200} +\pl{89}{RW1: Bengali translation of Acts II.8; W.M. Watts, \emph{Specimens of Oriental and Other Types} (London, [1862])}{201} +\pl{90}{RW1: Bengali translation; \emph{Our Lord's Prayer in One Hundred Different Languages} (London, c. 1869)}{204} +\pl{91}{RW1: `Bengali' and `Mussulman-Bengali' translation of St John III.16; \emph{The Gospel in Many Tongues} (London, 1872)}{206} +\endgroup diff --git a/src/pages/p0011.tex b/src/pages/p0011.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0f4046f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0011.tex @@ -0,0 +1,25 @@ +% PDF page 11 — printed page 9 — List of Plates (92–112) +\origpage{9} +\begingroup\setstretch{1.1}\setlength{\parskip}{0.55em}\small +\pl{92}{Fig. 1. RW1: `English Bengali'\\ Fig. 2. RW1: `English Assamese'; Gilbert \& Rivington, \emph{Specimens of Foreign Types} (London, 1880)}{207} +\pl{93}{RW1: Bengali translation; Gilbert \& Rivington, \emph{The Lord's Prayer in Three Hundred Languages} (London, 1891)}{209} +\pl{94}{\hspace*{0.7in}Bengali translation; Gilbert \& Rivington, \emph{The Lord's Prayer in Five Hundred Languages} (London, 1905)}{210} +\pl{95}{William Clowes and Sons Ltd, \emph{Some Specimens of the Roman, Oriental and Foreign Types} (London. c. 1915)}{212} +\pl{96}{VF1: Bengali translation; The British and Foreign Bible Society, \emph{The Gospel in Many Tongues; Specimens of 875 languages} (London 1965)}{213} +\pl{97}{Woodcut `Alphabetum Indorum'; H.D.L. Vervliet, ed., \emph{Type Specimen of the Vatican Press 1628,} facsimile rpt (Amsterdam, 1967)}{216} +\pl{98}{Bengali types of the Imprimerie Royale (IR1): \emph{Specimen des Caractères Vignettes Armes, Trophées et Fleurons de l'Imprimerie Royale} (Paris, 1819)}{220} +\pl{99}{Imprimerie Royale specimen cont.}{221} +\pl{100}{A specimen of Guillaume II, Le Bé's Arabic type (Paris, 1599); \emph{The Le Bé Memorandum} (Paris, 1967)}{223} +\pl{101}{IR1 specimen: `Typenschau'; Karl Falkenstein, \emph{Geschichte der Buchdruckerkunst} (Leipzig, 1840)}{225} +\pl{102}{CW3; \emph{Asiatick Researches,} 1 (Calcutta, 1788)}{228} +\pl{103}{CW3; \emph{Asiatick Researches} cont.}{229} +\pl{104}{K.K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei Bengali types (KKB); \emph{Alfabete des Gesammten Erdkreises aus der K.K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei in Wien,} 2nd edn (Vienna, 1876)}{235} +\pl{105}{KKB; \emph{Sprachenhalle:} 2, \emph{Das Vaterunser in mehr als 200 Sprachen und Mundarten mit Originaltypen,} (Vienna, 1847)}{236} +\pl{106}{Copper Plate Grant of Bakerganj; \emph{Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,} VII (Jan-Dec 1838)}{247} +\pl{107}{Giriśa Vidyāratna Press: Bengali types (GV1, and GV3); Śyāmacaraṇa Śarmā, \emph{Bāṅgalā Vyākaraṇa} (Calcutta, 1860)}{249} +\pl{108}{GV2: Bengali footnotes; GV3: Bengali text fount; Śarmā, \emph{Vyākaraṇa}}{251} +\pl{109}{Sandhi setting; Śarmā, \emph{Vyākaraṇa}}{252} +\pl{110}{Bengali tabulation; Śarmā, \emph{Vyākaraṇa}}{253} +\pl{111}{Bengali text with superior figures; Bhuvanamohana Rāya Caudhuri, \emph{Chandaḥkusuma} (Calcutta, 1864)}{255} +\pl{112}{Example of indigenous-style founts; Rājakṛṣṇa Rāya Caudhuri, \emph{Naradeha Nirṇaya} (Calcutta, 1859)}{256} +\endgroup diff --git a/src/pages/p0012.tex b/src/pages/p0012.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cbaee40 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0012.tex @@ -0,0 +1,26 @@ +% PDF page 12 — printed page 10 — List of Plates (113–134) +\origpage{10} +\begingroup\setstretch{1.1}\setlength{\parskip}{0.55em}\small +\pl{113}{Bengali text face: Nīlamaṇi Vāsaka, \emph{\erratum{Navanārī}{Navarnārī}} (Calcutta, 1899)}{257} +\pl{114}{Bengali title page and consonants; Madanamohana Tarkālaṅkāra, \emph{Śiśuśikṣā} (Calcutta, 1864)}{261} +\pl{115}{Bengali text; Tarkālaṅkāra, \emph{Śiśuśikṣā} (1864)}{262} +\pl{116}{Bengali type specimens (1)}{264} +\pl{117}{Bengali type specimens (2)}{265} +\pl{118}{Fig. 1. Benton punchcutting machine\\ Fig. 2. Linotype punchcutting machine\\ (L. A. Legros and J. C. Grant, \emph{Typographical Printing-Surfaces,} London 1916, figs. 149 and 160)}{268} +\pl{119}{Fig. 1. Linotype Blower of 1886\\ Fig. 2. Linotype Arabic machine\\ (Legros and Grant, \emph{Printing-Surfaces}, figs. 401 and 407)}{270} +\pl{120}{The Degree and Akhand systems of composition (B.S. Naik, \emph{Typography of Devanagari,} Bombay, 1965, fig. 19)}{273} +\pl{121}{Fig. 1. Linotype 12 point Bengali (Experimental)\\ Fig. 2. Linotype Bengali photographic reduction\\ Fig. 3. Linotype Bengali proofs of Pi matrices}{280} +\pl{122}{Fig. 1. Linotype 10 point Bengali trial\\ Fig. 2. Linotype `12 pt. Bengalee' trial}{285} +\pl{123}{Linotype 10 point Bengali Light and Bold specimen}{287} +\pl{124}{Linotype Bengali matrix listing}{289} +\pl{125}{Fig. 1. Linotype 12 point Light and Bold specimen\\ Fig. 2. Bengali Foundry setting}{290} +\pl{126}{Fig. 1. Linotype Bengali Light text sample\\ Fig. 2. Linotype proof of 10 point Bengali Light and Bold}{292} +\pl{127}{Fig. 1. Linotype 12 point Bengali Light\\ Fig. 2. Linotype Bengali No. 2. with Bold Face No. 2;\\ \hspace*{0.45in}comparison proof of 10, 11 and 12 point}{296} +\pl{128}{Linotype Bengali No. 2 with Bold Face No. 2; list of characters in the fount}{298} +\pl{129}{Linotype Bengali No. 2 with Bold Face No. 2; 12 point text}{299} +\pl{130}{Comparison of Linotype Bengali designs and foundry types}{301} +\pl{131}{Linotype Bengali keyboard layout rearrangement of April 1938}{302} +\pl{132}{Keyboard layout for Ananda Bazar Patrika 14 July 1949}{304} +\pl{133}{Linotype Bengali 90-Channel keyboard of May 1965}{306} +\pl{134}{Monotype Composing Machine\\ (H. Whetton, ed., \emph{Practical Printing and Binding,} London, 1954, fig. 6)}{310} +\endgroup diff --git a/src/pages/p0013.tex b/src/pages/p0013.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b8af5c6 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0013.tex @@ -0,0 +1,31 @@ +% PDF page 13 — printed page 11 — List of Plates (135–161) +\origpage{11} +\begingroup\setstretch{1.1}\setlength{\parskip}{0.55em}\small +\pl{135}{Fig. 1. matrix case\\ Fig. 2. width table\\ (Legros and Grant, \emph{Printing-Surfaces,} figs. 371 and 367)}{312} +\pl{136}{Pattern cutting; (Whetton, ed., \emph{Printing and Binding,} fig. 2)}{316} +\pl{137}{Monotype punchcutting machine\\ (Legros and Grant, \emph{Printing-Surfaces,} fig. 162)}{317} +\pl{138}{Monotype Bengali Series 470}{320} +\pl{139}{\emph{Raphalā} and \emph{laphalā} copper patterns}{322} +\pl{140}{Comparison of Series 470 with foundry types (1)}{324} +\pl{141}{Comparison of Series 470 with foundry types (2)}{325} +\pl{142}{Monotype Bengali Series 700}{326} +\pl{143}{Monotype Bengali Series 700 text sample}{327} +\pl{144}{Monotype Bengali Series 701}{328} +\pl{145}{Monotype Bengali Series 701 text}{329} +\pl{146}{Monotype Bengali keyboard layout}{332} +\pl{147}{Monotype Bengali Unit Shift Arrangement}{333} +\pl{148}{Monotype Bengali `Outside Characters'}{334} +\pl{149}{Monophoto Filmsetter (\emph{The Monotype Recorder,} 43, no. 2, Summer, 1965, p.33)}{341} +\pl{150}{Oxford University Press: \emph{Type Body Sizes; Monotype Keyboard and Caster Equipment} (February, 1969)}{345} +\pl{151}{Monotype Bengali film matrix case}{350} +\pl{152}{V-I-P accent placements for Devanagari}{355} +\pl{153}{V-I-P Devanagari Light keyboard layouts}{357} +\pl{154}{V-I-P Devanagari Bold keyboard layouts}{358} +\pl{155}{Example of a frisket (reduced by 30\%)}{361} +\pl{156}{`Comparison of normal and high resolution output'; Linotype-Paul Ltd, \emph{202N Operation Manual,} (September, 1983), fig. 8-3}{367} +\pl{157}{Example of a character with too many intersections for scanning in one pass}{369} +\pl{158}{Versatec output of Bengali digital \erratum{characters}{charaters}}{370} +\pl{159}{Comparisons of V-I-P and 202 output\\ (400\% of original size)}{371} +\pl{160}{Diagram of the 202 fount manufacturing process; Linotype Ltd, \emph{Genesis of a Typeface, From the Design to the Digital Form [1987]}}{372} +\pl{161}{Sketch of revised vowel sign sent to Ananda Bazar Patrika}{376} +\endgroup diff --git a/src/pages/p0014.tex b/src/pages/p0014.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cdd3d59 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0014.tex @@ -0,0 +1,29 @@ +% PDF page 14 — printed page 12 — List of Plates (162–178) + notes +\origpage{12} +\begingroup\setstretch{1.1}\setlength{\parskip}{0.55em}\small +\pl{162}{Foundry typeface shown in \emph{Viśvabhāratī Granthanavibhāga Pañcāśatvarṣa Parikramā} (Calcutta, 1974)}{379} +\pl{163}{Bengali foundry typeface no. 2}{380} +\pl{164}{Kerning vowel sign drawing}{382} +\pl{165}{202 Linotype Bengali Light and Bold: showing finials joined with a subscript}{385} +\pl{166}{Linotype Kannada character design with curved crest and Versatec output}{387} +\pl{167}{202 Linotype Kannada (Kesari) typeset output}{388} +\pl{168}{202 Linotype Bengali text sample}{391} +\pl{169}{Linotype hot-metal Bengali letter-drawing}{392} +\pl{170}{202 Linotype Bengali letter-drawing}{393} +\pl{171}{\emph{Ananda Bazar Patrika} composed with hot-metal Linotype founts\\ Compare underlined characters with pl. 172}{394} +\pl{172}{\emph{Ananda Bazar Patrika} composed with digital Linotype Bengali founts}{395} +\pl{173}{Bengali text: \emph{Viśvabhāratī Granthanavibhāga}}{397} +\pl{174}{\emph{Phonetic keyboard} keying sequence}{400} +\pl{175}{Line-printer proofing output and 202 typeset output}{413} +\pl{176}{Fig. 1: Bengali phase 1 dot-matrix character shapes; keyboard characters only\\ Fig. 2: Bengali phase 2 dot-matrix character shapes; with character selection\\ Fig. 3: Bengali phase 3 dot-matrix print out; with character selection and `counting'\\ Fig. 4: 202 Bengali typeset output of the same text}{414} +\pl{177}{Bengali design by Clinton Seely for Xerox 9700 laser printer}{417} +\pl{178}{Dot matrix of a character shape designed by Clinton Seely for the laser printer}{418} +\vspace{0.6em} +\begin{addmargin}[0.47in]{0.5in} +N.B. the typeface samples are reproduced at their original size unless otherwise stated. However, the majority comprise photocopies of original settings and therefore some distortion is inevitable. I am indebted to the St Bride Printing Library for providing me with a great number of samples. + +Plates 13, 14 and 29 are reproduced by courtesy of Mr Trilokesh Mukherji. + +Plates 177 and 178 are reproduced by courtesy of Dr Clinton Seely. +\end{addmargin} +\endgroup diff --git a/src/pages/p0015.tex b/src/pages/p0015.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0df81b5 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0015.tex @@ -0,0 +1,33 @@ +% PDF page 15 — printed page 13 — Scheme of Transliteration +\chaphead{Scheme of Transliteration} +\origpage{13} +\vspace{1em} +\newcommand{\B}[1]{{\mdseries\large #1}} +\begin{center}\setstretch{1.55}\bfseries +\begin{tabular}{@{}l@{\hspace{1.1in}}c@{\hspace{1.3in}}l@{\hspace{0.9in}}c@{}} +a & \B{অ} & ḍha & \B{ঢ ঢ়} \\ +ā & \B{আ} & ṇa & \B{ণ} \\ +i & \B{ই} & ta & \B{ত} \\ +ī & \B{ঈ} & tha & \B{থ} \\ +u & \B{উ} & da & \B{দ} \\ +ū & \B{ঊ} & dha & \B{ধ} \\ +ṛ & \B{ঋ} & na & \B{ন} \\ +e & \B{এ} & pa & \B{প} \\ +ai & \B{ঐ} & pha & \B{ফ} \\ +o & \B{ও} & ba & \B{ব} \\ +au & \B{ঔ} & bha & \B{ভ} \\ +ka & \B{ক} & ma & \B{ম} \\ +kha & \B{খ} & ya & \B{য য়} \\ +ga & \B{গ} & ra & \B{র} \\ +gha & \B{ঘ} & la & \B{ল} \\ +ṅa & \B{ঙ} & va & \B{ব} \\ +ca & \B{চ} & śa & \B{শ} \\ +cha & \B{ছ} & ṣa & \B{ষ} \\ +ja & \B{জ} & sa & \B{স} \\ +jha & \B{ঝ} & ha & \B{হ} \\ +ña & \B{ঞ} & ṃ & {\large\bnsignfont\XeTeXglyph 824} \\ +ṭa & \B{ট} & \textasciitilde & {\large\bnsignfont\XeTeXglyph 822} \\ +ṭha & \B{ঠ} & ḥ & {\large\bnsignfont\XeTeXglyph 827} \\ +ḍa & \B{ড ড়} & & \\ +\end{tabular} +\end{center} diff --git a/src/pages/p0016.tex b/src/pages/p0016.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..289cbc0 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0016.tex @@ -0,0 +1,37 @@ +% PDF page 16 — printed page 14 — Abbreviations and Conventions +\chaphead{Abbreviations and Conventions} +\origpage{14} +\begingroup\setstretch{1.55}\setlength{\parskip}{0pt} +\noindent\begin{tabular}{@{}p{0.7in}l@{}} +BFBS & British and Foreign Bible Society\\ +BL & British Library\\ +BMS & Baptist Missionary Society\\ +EIC & East India Company\\ +IOL & India Office Library and Records\\ +LMS & London Missionary Society\\ +MLCo & Mergenthaler Linotype Company\\ +OUP & Oxford University Press\\ +SOAS & School of Oriental and African Studies\\ +SPG & Society for the Propagation of the Gospel\\ +\end{tabular} + +\vspace{1.4em} +\noindent Designations giving Bengali typeface provenance:\\ +(Identification is to be found within the text and in the list of plates)\\[0.2em] +\noindent\begin{tabular}{@{}p{2.1in}l@{}} +BC1 & Bishops' College Press\\ +BM I-BM V and BM VII & Baptist Mission Press\\ +CW1-CW4 & Charles Wilkins\\ +CP1 & Chronicle Press\\ +GV1-GV3 & Giriśa Vidyāratna Press\\ +IR1 & Imprimerie Royale\\ +KKB & K.K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei\\ +RW1 & Richard Watts\\ +SB1-SB4 & Serampore Mission Press\\ +VF1 & Vincent Figgins\\ +\end{tabular} + +\vspace{1.4em} +\noindent Names:\\ +The scheme of transliteration given on page \pg{13} has been used for Bengali names except where an alternative spelling is more common (e.g. Serampore). Where variations in the spelling of missionaries' names have occurred in BMS publications and manuscripts, the most common forms given in the latter have been used. +\endgroup diff --git a/src/pages/p0017.tex b/src/pages/p0017.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1d73a40 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0017.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 17 — printed page 15 — Introduction +\chaphead{Introduction} +\origpage{15} +Two hundred years after the production of the first successful fount\fn{1}{A definition of the term fount (font) that is applicable to all technologies is given by Charles Bigelow: `\,``font'' means a concrete rendering of a typeface in a particular character set for a particular size-range for a particular imaging system'. \emph{Principles of Type Design for the Personal Workstation}, A [privately circulated] keepsake prepared by Bigelow \& Holmes for members at the ATypI Congress in Kiel (September, 1985), p. 1.} of movable metal Bengali types by Charles Wilkins (1749-1836), there arose a demand to produce the first fount of digital Bengali typeforms.\fn{2}{By Ananda Bazar Patrika Ltd; see chapter 11. In this study, the common practice of using the term `type' will be adhered to even in connection with technologies that do not use metal.} In 1978 preliminary investigations for this project\fn{3}{Undertaken by Fiona Ross.} confirmed the unsatisfactory state of current Bengali typography.\fn{4}{In this thesis the term `typography' is used according to the definition, `the design of printed matter' given in \emph{A Dictionary of Printing Terms} published by Linotype \& Machinery (London, 1962), p. 43; also see below, p. 63.} It also revealed the lack of material available on the history of the printed Bengali character. + +Until 1978, the introduction of faster processes of fount production, composition, and printing,\fn{5}{Since the advent of mechanical composition and rotary printing.} in comparison to handcutting and handsetting, had resulted in the degradation of Bengali typeforms. Newspaper typography, in particular, had suffered. Since the mid-1930s a limited range of characters, or character elements, was employed to represent all the required Bengali letterforms. New typographic conventions emerged, as instanced by vowel signs that were no longer subscribed but situated beside their host characters.\fn{6}{See below, chapter 8 and pl. 129.} Such practices became accepted for more than half a century, gradually spreading to numerous magazine and book publications.\fn{7}{e.g. Cittaranjana Bandyopadhyaya, ed., \emph{Dui Śatakera Bāṃlā Mudraṇa o Prakāśana} (Calcutta, 1981).} Unless a new approach was adopted, the printed Bengali character seemed destined to remain in this condition, or become further degraded, due to the predilection of fount diff --git a/src/pages/p0018.tex b/src/pages/p0018.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..82d957e --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0018.tex @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +% PDF page 18 — printed page 16 — Introduction (cont.) +\origpage{16} +manufacturers for adapting existing typefaces\fn{8}{Bigelow succinctly defines a typeface as `a group of characters whose forms are shaped in accordance with a particular set of design principles which share certain design features'; Bigelow, \emph{Principles of Type Design}, p. 2.} to new technologies instead of creating original designs. + +A new approach necessitated research into the evolution of the printed Bengali character to appreciate the origins of current typeforms: to discover the historical reasons behind the shaping of printed characters which contradict their calligraphic antecedents; to trace the origins of stylistic features and to assess their relevance in the last quarter of the twentieth century; to determine the criteria that distinguish good Bengali typeface designs and to note the factors conducive to their production. + +Studies on Bengali type history have hitherto concentrated on the history of printing rather than on the development of printing types.\fn{9}{The most reliable of these are: Graham Shaw, \emph{Printing in Calcutta to 1800} (London, 1978); Katherine Smith Diehl, \emph{Early Indian Imprints} (New York, 1964); Anant Kakba Priolkar, \emph{The Printing Press in India} (Bombay, 1958), pp. 51-70; S.K. De, \emph{Bengali Literature in the Nineteenth Century} (1757-1857), 2nd rev. edn (Calcutta, 1962), pp. 57-84;} Bengali type designs have not been considered from a type designer's point of view. They have been viewed from the perspective of a reader\fn{10}{e.g. Mofakhkhar Hussain Khan, \emph{History of Printing in Bengali Characters up to 1866} (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, 2 vols., University of London, 1976); it only covers one of the periods under discussion.} or, more rarely, an editor.\fn{11}{e.g. Nikhil Sarkar's introduction to the facsimile edition of \emph{A Grammar of the Bengal Language} (Calcutta, 1980), Introduction, pp. 7-33.} Founts have been discussed in isolation from the technology that produced them, i.e. divorced from the complexities or requirements of type manufacture.\fn{12}{This is not the case in Devanagari or Gujarati; see Bapurao S. Naik, \emph{Typography of Devanagari} (Bombay, 1965). However, Naik's approach is more that of a compositor or engineer and is therefore not instructive to the type designer. Moreover, this work is primarily concerned with hot-metal composition. Naik also (in 1960) prepared for Linotype \& Machinery Ltd a scheme for adapting the Gujarati script for mechanical slug-composing machines.} Furthermore, there is little material on twentieth-century Bengali founts, and none regarding post hot-metal type designs. This work is an attempt to make good the deficiency. diff --git a/src/pages/p0019.tex b/src/pages/p0019.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..167fd88 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0019.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 19 — printed page 17 — Introduction (cont.) + +\origpage{17} +The present study therefore considers each significant development in Bengali type design\fn{13}{It is therefore not intended as a check-list of all Bengali founts produced.} within its historical context. It seeks to identify the influences behind the styling of Bengali typefaces by appreciating the constraints imposed on previous founts by technical or artistic limitations, linguistic ignorance, misinformation, or typographic fashions. The different technologies of type production and composition form natural divisions within the thesis, namely movable metal types, mechanical typefounding and composition, and photocomposition. As the first part of this thesis covers a large and formative period in the development of the printed Bengali character (approximately one and a half centuries), it has been subdivided into three sections, namely `Europeans in India', `European Ventures', and `Indigenous Ventures'. + +Part I does not include xylographic or copperplate printing of the Bengali script, although interest in reproducing Bengali letterforms in print pre-dates founts of Bengali metal types. There are no examples or firm evidence of this script reproduced by xylography prior to 1778,\fn{14}{Reports, such as the discovery by Warren Hastings in Benares of a printing press and movable types of at least one thousand years' old, are too incredible and must be discounted: \emph{The Gentleman's Journal}, 1 (March, 1870), p. 296. [reprinted from \emph{The Printer} (New York), 3:6 (November, 1860), p. 139]; see Sajani Kanta Das, \emph{Bāṅglā Gadya Sāhityera Itihāsa} (Calcutta, 1962), p. 26.} but the Bengali character had occasionally appeared in printed form by the means of copperplate engravings. The earliest known specimen is to be found in the 1692 Imprimerie Royale imprint,\fn{15}{For further information regarding the Imprimerie Royale, see chapter 6.} \emph{Observations Physiques et Mathematiques}.\fn{16}{\emph{Observations Physiques et Mathématiques, Pour servir à l'Histoire Naturelle, et à la Perfection de l'Astronomie et de la Géographie: Envoyées des Indes et de la Chine à l'Academie Royale des Sciences à Paris, par les Pères Jésuits. Avec les Reflexions de Mrs de l'Academie et les Notes du P. Goüye, de la Compangnie de Jesus.} (Paris, 1692), plate facing p. 74. See pl. 1.} In this specimen, the diff --git a/src/pages/p0020.tex b/src/pages/p0020.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8fcd4a3 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0020.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 20 — printed page 18 — plate 1 +\plateop{18}{1}{plates/p0020.png}{Earliest extant copperplate engraving of Bengali characters; Thomas Goüye, \emph{Observations Physiques} \ldots\ (Paris, 1692)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0021.tex b/src/pages/p0021.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..202f681 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0021.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 21 — printed page 19 — Introduction (cont.); sentence continues across plate 1 +\noindent\origpage{19}extremely rudimentary Bengali characters are arranged according to the Latin alphabet, and the stroke contrast does not accord with penned Bengali letterforms.\fn{17}{See chapter 1. A barely recognizable form of the Bengali script reproduced by copperplate engraving appeared under the heading \emph{Bengalica} in John Chamberlayne's \emph{Oratio Dominica in diversas Omnium fere Gentium Linguas Versa} (Amsterdam, 1715), which is reproduced in Johann Friedrich Fritz's \emph{Orientalisch-und Occidentalischer Sprachmeister} (Leipzig, 1748), in `ad pag. 84'; see pl. 2. M. Georgio Jacobo Kehr's work, \emph{Aurenk Szeb} (Leipzig, 1725), contains a more intelligible specimen of Bengali characters (see pl. 3) and numerals, although Fritz's \emph{Sprachmeister} contains a better example of Bengali numerals; see pl. 4.} + +The one sample of the Bengali character printed from a copperplate engraving that approximates early Bengali typeforms is to be found in David Mills's \emph{Dissertationes Selectae, Varia S. Litterarum et Antiquitatis Orientalis Capita Exponentes et Illustrantes} under the heading `Alphabetum Brahamnicum' (Leiden, 1743).\fn{18}{See pl. 5.} It only shows the basic characters of the syllabary. The less skilfully-executed plate that illustrates the Bengali script in \emph{A Code of Gentoo Laws} (London, 1776) supplies a little more information on the writing system by showing some combinations of consonants with vowels (ligatures).\fn{19}{Combinations with consonants (conjuncts) are not represented. See pl. 6, and below, chapter 1.} + +The copperplate impressions of the Bengali script in these European publications cannot be regarded as direct precursors of early Bengali founts, and for this reason form no part of this study of movable pre-fabricated Bengali letterforms.\fn{20}{Although the pioneers of Bengali typefounding, who were principally European, may have had sight of them, the two disciplines are very different.} A survey of Bengali printing types over a period of two centuries shows the first fount produced by Charles Wilkins as seminal to the development of the printed Bengali character. Particular emphasis therefore has been given to its genesis, styling, and structure. It has been necessary to include technical detail where appropriate, since methods of composition are inseparable from the design of a Bengali typeface.\fn{21}{As shall be shown.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0022.tex b/src/pages/p0022.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..214bad2 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0022.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 22 — printed page 20 — plate 2 (printed sideways in the original) +\plateop{20}{2}{plates/p0022.png}{`Bengalica'; John Chamberlayne, \emph{Oratio Dominica in diversas Omnium fere Gentium Linguas Versa} (Amsterdam, 1715) reprinted in Johann Friedrich Fritz, \emph{\erratum{Orientalisch-und}{Orientalisch und} Occidentalischer Sprachmeister} (Leipzig, 1748)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0023.tex b/src/pages/p0023.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0552cdb --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0023.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 23 — printed page 21 — plate 3 +\plateop{21}{3}{plates/p0023.png}{Bengali consonants; Georgio Jacobo Kehr, \emph{Aurenk Szeb} (Leipzig, 1725)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0024.tex b/src/pages/p0024.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fcfef6c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0024.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 24 — printed page 22 — plate 4 +\plateop{22}{4}{plates/p0024.png}{Bengali numerals; Fritz, \emph{Sprachmeister}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0025.tex b/src/pages/p0025.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d9bb686 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0025.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 25 — printed page 23 — plate 5 (caption: handwritten `es' adopted) +\plateop{23}{5}{plates/p0025.png}{Bengali syllabary; David Mill, \emph{Dissertationes Selectae} \ldots\ (Leiden, 1743)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0026.tex b/src/pages/p0026.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6cab480 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0026.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 26 — printed page 24 — plate 6 +\plateop{24}{6}{plates/p0026.png}{`Bengali alphabet\ldots[with] connected vowels'; Nathaniel Brassey Halhed, trans., \emph{Code of Gentoo Laws} \ldots(London, 1776)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0027.tex b/src/pages/p0027.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ce1a1df --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0027.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 27 — printed page 25 — Introduction (cont.); note 24 keeps the original's `distiguish' + +\origpage{25} +Missionary printing also finds a place in the first section `Europeans in India'. The volume of output from the missionary presses and their dominance in Bengali typography throughout the nineteenth century renders their typographic products worthy of notice. Detailed typeface analyses have necessarily been curtailed; assessments of Bengali types focus on salient features that were either of significance to future designs, or mark developments specific to Bengali fount requirements. In examining the roles of the Serampore Mission Press, the Baptist Mission Press, and the Bishop's College Press in Bengali type history, discussion has centered on Bengali text faces, i.e. those designed for continuous reading.\fn{22}{Examination of imprints does not always reveal whether a display face was ever completed (and therefore if it would have functioned satisfactorily in a different context) or how it was produced (e.g. from wooden types, blocks, lithography etc.).} + +Text faces comprise the bulk of composing matter and thus have always formed the chief requirement of printers.\fn{23}{Display types have different design requirements and merit a separate study.} However, it will be seen that a number of Bengali heading types influenced the design of text faces. Conversely, the advent of computerised typesetting in the 1970s and the dearth of non-Latin\fn{24}{The terms Latin and non-Latin are used in this study in accordance with the 1958 and 1967 British Standards Institution definitions: `\emph{Latin} \ldots\ the term should be used to \erratum{distinguish}{distiguish} the letterforms in Western Europe from others, e.g. Cyrillic, Arabic, etc., which are referred to in the industry as ``exotics'' but would be more conveniently referred to as ``non-Latin'' '; B.S. 2961: 1958 and 1967, p. 9.} display founts have also encouraged the use of text faces for heading or display purposes. + +The types produced by foundries situated in Europe during the nineteenth century and the early part of the twentieth century reflect the rich heritage of typefounding and punchcutting skills at their disposal. The Bengali founts discussed in `European Ventures' have been confined to those occupying a noteworthy place in Bengali type history;\fn{25}{e.g. Figgins Pica Bengalee, see chapter 5.} those illustrating the inherent problems of designing vernacular Indian founts in establishments remote to the Indian subcontinent; and those reflecting particular attitudes to the development diff --git a/src/pages/p0028.tex b/src/pages/p0028.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..08a11d8 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0028.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 28 — printed page 26 — Introduction (cont.); handwritten `l' in difficulties adopted +\origpage{26}of non-Latin founts. It is difficult to determine the precise motives behind the production of what must have amounted to costly enterprises for such foundries, and to gauge the strength of their commitment to producing true representations of vernacular scripts. The difficulties in establishing the origins and authenticity of the non-Latin founts produced in Europe illustrate the problems in protecting designs from plagiarism. + +The Bengali founts of the indigenous type foundries are considered separately, for they show conspicuous divergencies in design from those of the European-owned foundries. The shortness of the section `Indigenous Ventures' is symptomatic of the European dominance in this field during the formative years of Bengali type design; it is also indicative of the unfavourable circumstances of the native Bengalis both economically and politically.\fn{26}{As illustrated by Haji Mustapha's comment regarding printing in Calcutta: `Printing in this country requires a young man and a rich one, and I am neither'; \emph{Seir Mutaquarin}, (Calcutta, [1789-1790]), II, Appendix p. 31.} Perhaps surprisingly, the mechanization of punchcutting, typefounding, and composing did not hinder the steady growth of native foundries. + +Mechanical typefounding and composition, discussed in Part II, had a profound impact upon Indian typography. The Bengali script was particularly affected. The implementation of non-Latin scripts on the Linotype hot-metal machine transformed Indian vernacular newspaper-setting, creating readerships unaccustomed to, and at times unable to read, foundry typeforms. The Mergenthaler Linotype correspondence files relating to the development of the hot-metal Linotype Bengali founts are still extant and the information they contain forms the basis of chapter 9. + +Whilst the discussion of typewriter forms of Bengali characters has been consigned to the `Epilogue', keyboarding practices that evolved during the mechanization of composition became crucial to the design of the founts. The diff --git a/src/pages/p0029.tex b/src/pages/p0029.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..daa0419 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0029.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 29 — printed page 27 — Introduction (cont.) +\origpage{27}interdependence of keyboard layouts and type design is therefore first discussed in connection with the Linotype machine and is necessarily considered in all subsequent chapters. Systems of measurement, such as the relative-unit system introduced by the Monotype Corporation and the point system, are also taken into account where appropriate, for they still remain an integral part of type design. + +The advent of photocomposition during the middle of this century represented the opportunity to redress the severe compromises inflicted upon vernacular Bengali composition by mechanization. Schemes for implementing Bengali founts for filmsetting, however, were either unsuccessful or failed to resolve problems inherited from previous technologies. Nonetheless, these attempts have been assessed (in chapter 10), since an appreciation of the potential advantages and deficiencies of filmsetting for non-Latin scripts underpin the scheme developed in 1978 for the digital photocomposition of the Bengali script. + +In one sense, the final chapter, `Digital Photocomposition', recounts the continuing history of the evolution of the printed Bengali character. At the same time, it forms the conclusion to this study by describing the findings of this work translated into practical terms, namely a new Bengali typesetting scheme and typeface design. More importantly, in describing the method adopted for what may be termed the typographic development of the Bengali script, this chapter demonstrates a new methodology that is applicable to all scripts of the Indian subcontinent. + +The present study, prompted by the lack of typographic information both artistic and technical, is therefore intended to be not only informative to the indologist and printing historian, but also to be of some practical value to the designer and manufacturer of Bengali types. This thesis should fill one of the many gaps in non-Latin type history. It should stimulate new lines of approach to diff --git a/src/pages/p0030.tex b/src/pages/p0030.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..708019f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0030.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 30 — printed page 28 — Introduction ends (two lines on the page) +\origpage{28}non-Latin type design and composition. It is based on the premise that non-Latin typography can, and should, be of comparable quality to that of Latin. diff --git a/src/pages/p0031.tex b/src/pages/p0031.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..720244f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0031.tex @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +% PDF page 31 — printed page 29 — Part I title page +\partstart{Part I}{Development of Movable Metal Types for the Bengali Script} +\origpage{29} diff --git a/src/pages/p0032.tex b/src/pages/p0032.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..771483a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0032.tex @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +% PDF page 32 — printed page 30 — Section A title page (flush left in the original) +\sectionstart{Section A}{Europeans in India} +\origpage{30} diff --git a/src/pages/p0033.tex b/src/pages/p0033.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f990be0 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0033.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 33 — printed page 31 — Chapter 1 `Charles Wilkins' begins +\chapnum{Chapter 1}{Charles Wilkins} +\origpage{31} +The publication of \emph{A Grammar of the Bengal Language} in 1778\fn{1}{Nathaniel Brassey Halhed, \emph{A Grammar of the Bengal Language} (Hoogly, 1778).} marks the inception of the printed Bengali character reproduced from pre-fabricated letterforms. This imprint, in which for the first time Bengali chirography was emulated in movable metal type, established a standard for the design of Bengali typefaces and a method for their composition. The design and manufacture of this first successful Bengali fount has been attributed to the printer of the \emph{Grammar,} Charles Wilkins (1749-1836),\fn{2}{Some biographers give his date of birth as 1750, but see Mary Lloyd, `Sir Charles Wilkins 1749-1836', \emph{India Office Library and Records Report 1978} (1979), pp. 10-11.} the renowned orientalist who has been described as `India's Caxton' and the `Caxton of Bengal'.\fn{3}{George Smith, \emph{The Life of William Carey} (London, 1885), p. 243; Samuel Pearce Carey, \emph{William Carey} (London, 1923), p. 188; Khan, \emph{Printing in Bengali Characters}, I, p. 78.} + +Charles Wilkins, an Englishman who joined the East India Company as a Writer (junior clerk), arrived in Calcutta on 4 June 1770.\fn{4}{IOR: L/F/10/2 Records of Service, f. 118. Only biographical details bearing on his typographical activities will be mentioned here. For further biographical information refer to: E.H. Johnston, `Charles Wilkins' in Muhammad Shafi, ed., A.C. \emph{Woolner Commemoration Volume} (Lahore, 1940), pp. 124-132; and Lloyd, `Wilkins', pp. 9-39.} In 1774, having spent two years in Jehangirpore as Assistant to the Collector, Wilkins moved some 175 miles north of Calcutta to Malda\fn{5}{As Assistant to the Superintendent of the Company's factory. He was promoted to Factor in 1776 and Junior Merchant in 1779.} where he began to learn the languages then current in Bengal, namely Bengali and Persian.\fn{6}{Persian was the official language; see Henry Pitts Forster, \emph{A Vocabulary in Two Parts, English and Bungalee, and Vice Versa}, Pt I, (Calcutta, 1799), pp. iv-v.} `About the year 1778', as Wilkins was to relate, with his `curiosity excited by the example of \ldots\ Mr Halhed'\fn{7}{Nathaniel Brassey Halhed (1751-1818) entered the Company as a Writer in 1770. For biographical information see Dr J. Grant, `Warren Hastings in Slippers', \emph{Calcutta Review}, XXVI, pp. 59-141; also see Rosane Rocher, \emph{Orientalism, Poetry and the Millenium: the Checkered Life of Nathaniel Brassey Halhed 1751-1830} (New Delhi, 1983)} he also began to study the Sanskrit language.\fn{8}{Which culminated in the publication of a Sanskrit grammar; Charles Wilkins, \emph{A Grammar of the Sanskrita Language} (London, 1808), pp. viii and xi. `Halhed was apparently the first to call public attention to the affinity between Sanskrit words and ``those of Persian, Arabic and even of Latin and Greek'' '; Leslie Stephen and Sidney Lee, eds., \emph{Dictionary of National Biography} (London, 1890), XXIV, p. 41.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0034.tex b/src/pages/p0034.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ebcf9cd --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0034.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 34 — printed page 32 — Chapter 1 (cont.); note 12 keeps the original's `Gento' + +\origpage{32} +Under the governorship of Warren Hastings (1732-1818),\fn{9}{Governor in Bengal from 1772, the first Governor General from 1774 to 1778. See G.R. Gleig, \emph{Memoirs of the Life of the Right Hon Warren Hastings} (London, 1841), I, pp. 399-404.} there existed an increasing conviction by the British of the need to learn the languages of their subjects in Bengal. Hastings, who had mastered some Persian and a little Bengali himself, actively encouraged the translation of British regulations into the vernacular languages and the compilation of grammars and dictionaries of these languages. He also selected Halhed to translate from Persian a digest of Hindu laws, entitled in Sanskrit \emph{Vivādārṇavasetu,}\fn{10}{First compiled in Sanskrit by 11 brahmins, then translated into Persian by a \emph{munśī} and thence into English in a summarized form by Halhed - hence the inaccuracy of the latter's translation: see letter of William Jones to Arthur Lee, 28 Sept 1788; in Garland Cannon, ed., \emph{The Letters of Sir William Jones} (Oxford, 1970), II, p. 821.} resulting in the publication, \emph{A Code of Gentoo Laws, or Ordinations of the Pundits} in 1776.\fn{11}{\emph{A Code of Gentoo Laws, or Ordinations of the Pundits}, translated into English by N.B. Halhed (London, 1776), p. vi.} In the preface to this work, Halhed claimed: `From hence therefore may be formed a precise Idea of the Customs and Manners of these People, which, to their great Injury, have long been misrepresented in the Western World'.\fn{12}{\emph{Code of \erratum{Gentoo}{Gento} Laws}, p. xi.} At the `advice and even solicitation' of Hastings,\fn{13}{Proceedings of the Governor-General (Revenue Dept), 20 Feb 1778, `Extracts from Government Records' \emph{Bengal Past and Present}, XXIX (Jan - June 1925), p. 213.} Halhed undertook the task of writing \emph{A Grammar of the Bengal Language} in order to promote `the cultivation of a right understanding and a general medium of intercourse \ldots\ between the Natives of Europe who are to rule, and the Inhabitants of India who are to obey'.\fn{14}{Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, p. ii. It was not the first printed Bengali grammar, but was preceded by the \emph{Vocabulario Em Idioma, Bengalla E Portuguez}, ed. Manoel da Assumpçam (Lisbon, 1743), printed in Latin types. Wilkins is known to have owned a copy which Halhed may have seen; William Marsden, SOAS MS 57002, \emph{A Catalogue of Dictionaries, Vocabularies and Grammars of All Languages and Dialects}, f. 229.} + +Halhed intended that all the Bengali words given in the \emph{Grammar} should be printed in their own characters, but no suitable fount of types was available: diff --git a/src/pages/p0035.tex b/src/pages/p0035.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a07a8da --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0035.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 35 — printed page 33 — Chapter 1 (cont.); Halhed's preface quoted +\origpage{33}the Bengali types prepared by the London punchcutter Joseph Jackson (1733-1792), were considered unsatisfactory.\fn{15}{Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, p. xxiii (Jackson's Bengali types are discussed in chapter 4). \emph{Gentoo Laws} only showed an engraving of Bengali characters, see pl. 6.} Thus `Warren Hastings, who was anxious that the Co.'s servants should have every facility for the study of the native languages, himself solicited Mr W[ilkins] to prepare a fount of Bengali types, as he was aware that he had, by way of amusement, made some successful experiments in that way'.\fn{16}{[G. C. Haughton], `Sir Charles Wilkins', \emph{Asiatic Journal:} New Series, XX (1836), p. 167.} In the preface to the \emph{Grammar,} Halhed wrote: + +\begin{extract}The advice and even solicitation of the Governor General prevailed upon Mr Wilkins \ldots\ to undertake a set of Bengal types. He did, and his success has exceeded every expectation. In a country so remote from all connection with European artists, he has been obliged to charge himself with all the various occupations of the Metallurgist, the Engraver, the Founder and the Printer.\fn{17}{Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, pp. xxiii-xxiv.}\end{extract} + +Charles Wilkins can be credited with the production of four founts of Bengali type. They are designated for the purpose of this study as CW1 through to CW4. It is not known, however, which letterform models formed the basis of Wilkins's designs. It has been claimed that two manuscripts formerly owned by him, and now held in the India Office Library, were formative in the design of his first fount, CW1.\fn{18}{Khan, \emph{Printing in Bengali Characters}, I, pp. 369-70.} The manuscripts are copies of Mukundarāma Cakravarti's \emph{Caṇḍīmaṅgala}\fn{19}{IOL BEN. MS S2846A; scribe unknown. See pl. 7.} and Bhāratacandra's \emph{Vidyāsundara}.\fn{20}{IOL BEN. MS S2811A; scribe unknown. See pl. 8.} The claim seems unjustifiable, for the lettershapes of the \emph{Caṇḍī} manuscript bear scant resemblance to those designed by Wilkins; and examination of the \emph{Vidyāsundara} manuscript fails to reveal that it was written in `a handwriting having distinct and separate letters \ldots\ on the basis of which Wilkins drew the letters for his types'.\fn{21}{Khan, \emph{Printing in Bengali Characters}, II, p. 812.} Conclusive evidence exists to show that Wilkins acquired the \emph{Vidyāsundara} manuscript almost thirty years after the publication of Halhed's \emph{Grammar}. The manuscript is signed by Wilkins and dated 29 January 1807. diff --git a/src/pages/p0036.tex b/src/pages/p0036.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..08bcb81 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0036.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 36 — printed page 34 — plate 7 (caption set beside the plate in the original) +\plateop{34}{7}{plates/p0036.png}{Bengali manuscript: IOL BEN. MS S2846A - \emph{Caṇḍīmaṅgala}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0037.tex b/src/pages/p0037.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..376c71f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0037.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 37 — printed page 35 — plate 8 +\plateop{35}{8}{plates/p0037.png}{Bengali manuscript: IOL BEN. MS S2811A - \emph{Vidyāsundara}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0038.tex b/src/pages/p0038.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7bf500a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0038.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 38 — printed page 36 — Chapter 1 (cont.); note 23's parenthesis is unclosed in the original +\origpage{36}Blumhardt places it in the nineteenth century, and there is no reason to dispute this date.\fn{22}{James Fuller Blumhardt, \emph{Catalogue of the Bengali and Assamese Manuscripts in the Library of the India Office} (London, 1924), p. 12.} + +There is no evidence that Wilkins modelled his type designs on any particular manuscript. There are, however, manuscripts collected by Halhed which pre-date the \emph{Grammar}\fn{23}{Acquired by the British Museum \erratum{(now known as the British Library) in 1775-1776}{(now known as the British Library in 1775-1776}; Rosane Rocher, `Nathaniel Brassey Halhed's Collection of Oriental Manuscripts', \emph{Annals of Oriental Research} (University of Madras), 25 (1975), pp. 1-10.} that show some correspondence to the character shapes of Wilkins's types. The first item is another copy of the \emph{Vidyāsundara} of a similar format to the copy owned by Wilkins.\fn{24}{i.e. nine by six inches; a rare format for Indian MSS. BL MS Add. 5593, signed by Halhed; see pl. 9.} This manuscript is written in a very clear and neat hand. It also shows interword spacing; an unusual device in eighteenth-century Bengali manuscripts, and one adopted by Wilkins throughout the \emph{Grammar}.\fn{25}{Wilkins even gives word breaks in the printed version of the petition on p. 209, although none occur in the original; see pls. 21 and 22.} According to Blumhardt, `This copy corresponds with the text of the printed editions. The Sanskrit \emph{ślokas} are written in red ink. The name of the scribe and date of copy are not given'.\fn{26}{J.F. Blumhardt, \emph{Catalogue of the Marathi, Gujarati, Bengali, Assamese, Oriya, Pushtu, and Sindhi Manuscripts in the Library of the British Museum} (London, 1905), p. 15.} Another item is a copy of the \emph{Bāramāsyā} written in a hand whose characters share the same diagonal stress with Wilkins's Bengali types;\fn{27}{To be found in BL MS Add. 5660F (f. 14). This diagonal stress lends a dynamic effect to Wilkins's types. See pl. 10.} some of the \emph{Bāramāsyā} lines, divided by Halhed into couplets, appear in the \emph{Grammar} with slight alterations in spelling.\fn{28}{Numerous orthographical errors and mistranslations occur in the \emph{Grammar;} see Muhammad Abdul Quayyum, \emph{A Critical Study of the Bengali Grammars of Carey, Halhed and Haughton} (unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of London, 1974), pp. 92-102 and 81-89, regarding correspondences between the texts of the BL MSS and the \emph{Grammar}.} + +Several items in Halhed's manuscript collection bear Charles Wilkins's initials,\fn{29}{BL MSS Add. 5581, 5595, 5596, and 5591.} suggesting Wilkins was their prior owner or, at least, that they passed through his hands. It is possible that Wilkins was aware of the specific Bengali diff --git a/src/pages/p0039.tex b/src/pages/p0039.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..19b826d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0039.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 39 — printed page 37 — plate 9 +\plateop{37}{9}{plates/p0039.png}{Bengali manuscript: BL MS Add. 5593 - \emph{Vidyāsundara}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0040.tex b/src/pages/p0040.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e42f33b --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0040.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 40 — printed page 38 — plate 10 +\plateop{38}{10}{plates/p0040.png}{Bengali manuscript: BL MS Add. 5660F - \emph{Bāramāsyā}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0041.tex b/src/pages/p0041.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4d55e14 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0041.tex @@ -0,0 +1,9 @@ +% PDF page 41 — printed page 39 — Chapter 1 (cont.); Wilkins's note to Halhed quoted +\origpage{39}passages (contained in Halhed's manuscripts of the \emph{Mahābhārata} of Kāśīrāma Dāsa,\fn{30}{BL MS Add. 5595 copied by various scribes between 1773 and 1778, and Oriental 4741 f. 47 (incomplete) which previously belonged to Max Müller.} the \emph{Rāmāyaṇa} of Kṛttivāsa,\fn{31}{BL MS Add. 5590/5591, the latter initialled by Wilkins. The scribe is unknown, but it appears to be in the same hand (and is in the same format) as BL MS Add. 5593; see pl. 11.} and the \emph{Vidyāsundara} by Bhāratacandra Rāya\fn{32}{Three copies BL MSS Add. 5593, Add. 5660A, and (incomplete) Add. 5660B.}) to be quoted in the \emph{Grammar} prior to preparing the fount for their rendition in print. Evidence of Wilkins and Halhed working in close co-operation is to be found in a note preserved amongst the latter's personal papers at the British Library: + +\begin{extract}Dear Halhed,\\ +The above is my morning's work and contains all the most material writing upon \ldots\ [the] \ldots\ Hindoo System [of Astronomy]. E [errors] Excepted, C.W.\fn{33}{BL MS Add. 5661B f. 1. [n.d.].}\end{extract} + +One item in Halhed's own hand and headed `Of the Bengal Arithmetic' amounts to a draft of Chapter VI of the \emph{Grammar}.\fn{34}{BL MS Add. 5661B ff. 36-38; see Halhed, \emph{Grammar,} `Of Numbers' and `Of the Bengal Arithmetic', pp. 159-177.} + +None of the scribes' hands, however, can be said to have formed the blueprint for the first fount Wilkins designed. Moreover, the Bengali lines printed in the \emph{Grammar} deviate from the manuscript versions both textually and orthographically.\fn{35}{See above, p. 36, n. 28; and Graham Shaw, unpublished note, \emph{Printing Interest in the British Library's Halhed Bengali Manuscripts} (London, \erratum{n.d.), p. 2.}{n.d.),p. 2.}} Nonetheless, such manuscripts as Halhed assembled, or had copied for him,\fn{36}{Rocher, `Halhed's Collection', p. 3, and Qayyum, \emph{Critical Study}, p. 109.} provided information regarding the characteristics of the Bengali script: the letterforms required; their frequency of occurrence in text; the relationships between characters and their relative proportions; the necessity to kern particular characters;\fn{37}{A kern is a part of metal type projecting beyond the body or shank designed to rest on the shoulders of adjacent types; see pl. 12 regarding basic typeface nomenclature.} the positioning of the subscripts and superscripts; the need for compound characters and initial, medial, and final forms of certain vowel signs; and the amount of interlinear spacing. From close examination of diff --git a/src/pages/p0042.tex b/src/pages/p0042.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2f953c3 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0042.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 42 — printed page 40 — plate 11 +\plateop{40}{11}{plates/p0042.png}{Bengali manuscript: BL MS Add. 5591: \emph{Rāmāyaṇa}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0043.tex b/src/pages/p0043.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..842aacf --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0043.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 43 — printed page 41 — plate 12 +\plateop{41}{12}{plates/p0043.png}{Typeface nomenclature} diff --git a/src/pages/p0044.tex b/src/pages/p0044.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4fa55d9 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0044.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 44 — printed page 42 — Chapter 1 (cont.); two quoted paragraphs from Halhed's preface +\origpage{42}such texts, Wilkins was able to establish the rudiments of Bengali typography\fn{38}{For a definition of typography, see above, p. 4, see also below, p. 63.} that were to become the norm.\fn{39}{Perhaps a difficult task since the Bengali script had not yet acquired a standard form; see Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, p. 3.} + +Native instruction in the Bengali script was not given in the style the letterforms assumed in the majority of the manuscripts under discussion.\fn{40}{MSS styles varied according to the region and to the nature of the text being copied, i.e. whether religious or secular.} The preface to the \emph{Grammar} reveals that Halhed took considerable interest in the method employed in writing and teaching the Bengali script. He observed the nibs and the posture adopted by the scrivener,\fn{41}{Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, p. 2.} and the sequence in which the characters of the syllabary are taught: + +\begin{extract}It is usual with the Natives \ldots\ to defer all explanation of the first sixteen letters of the alphabet until they have thoroughly instructed their pupils in the nature and use of the subsequent consonants \ldots. + +The first elements of every science must be plain, simple and easy of perception: but more particularly those of letters; which, as they are generally taught in the early period of life, should be divested of every superfluity that may distract the attention, or clog the memory.\fn{42}{Halhed, ibid., p. 5.}\end{extract} + +In view of Wilkins's close association with Halhed, it is likely that he learnt the Bengali script in the same manner and made use of his compatriot's observations, for it is the character `divested of every superfluity' that became fixed in metal, and not the running hand of the scrivener. This form was also considerably easier to translate into metal types than the hand of the lay manuscript copyist. The manner in which Charles Wilkins learnt the Bengali diff --git a/src/pages/p0045.tex b/src/pages/p0045.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d5dba0a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0045.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 45 — printed page 43 — Chapter 1 (cont.); Ryder on the typefounding process +\origpage{43}characters would have determined his conception of the letterforms required to complete a fount of Bengali types.\fn{43}{And also the method by which he proposed to compose the \emph{Grammar} for printing.} + +Material belonging to Charles Wilkins, but of a later date,\fn{44}{Now housed at the India Office Library; see pls. 13, 14 and 29.} indicates that drawings would have formed the first stage in the production of a fount of types. Wilkins, or an assistant, would have prepared drawings of every character required, first in pencil and then in ink, to arrive at satisfactory designs for punchcutting.\fn{45}{It is reasonable to surmise that a pundit, such as those known to have assisted Halhed (see Qayyum, \emph{Critical Study} p. 65), produced the models of `characters divested of every superfluity' for Wilkins to follow; see below.} The preparation of these patterns would have established the dimensions of the typeface as well as the structure of the letterforms and the spacing. It would have also determined the method of composition. Such drawings can thus be said to represent the first stage in the transition of calligraphy to typography. Since it is on the basis of these that the punches are cut, they must meet the technical requirements demanded by the process of typefounding. A summary of this process is given by John Ryder: + +\begin{extract}The reversed design of each character is cut on the end of a bar of steel to form a \emph{punch} which is then driven into a slab of copper to make a \emph{matrix}. This matrix forms the face of a mould into which molten metal is poured and a type cast. A single piece of type is called a \emph{sort}.\fn{46}{John Ryder, \emph{Printing for Pleasure} (London, 1976), p. 31; see also pls. 14 and 15 showing a hand mould and a matrix of Bengali type.}\end{extract} + +The designer when translating calligraphic letterforms\fn{47}{As distinct from engraved letters; see below, chapter 7.} into type must be fully conscious of its limitations and peculiarities. In the words of the French typefounder Charles Peignot, `A clear distinction must be made between lettering and type design. In lettering, fantasy is of the essence. In type design discipline is the first requisite. In both cases education and a proper sense of diff --git a/src/pages/p0046.tex b/src/pages/p0046.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..50c2ce6 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0046.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 46 — printed page 44 — plate 13 (photographic plate) +\plateop{44}{13}{plates/p0046.png}{Modi Drawings from the IOL collection of Charles Wilkins's materials} diff --git a/src/pages/p0047.tex b/src/pages/p0047.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..eaf2bc4 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0047.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 47 — printed page 45 — plate 14 (photographic plate) +\plateop{45}{14}{plates/p0047.png}{Bengali matrix from the IOL Wilkins collection (CW4)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0048.tex b/src/pages/p0048.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..553eabe --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0048.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 48 — printed page 46 — plate 15 (printed sideways in the original) +\plateop{46}{15}{plates/p0048.png}{Illustration of a hand-mould; Joseph Moxon \emph{Mechanick Exercises} \ldots\ (rpt London, 1958)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0049.tex b/src/pages/p0049.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..da73def --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0049.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 49 — printed page 47 — Chapter 1 (cont.); sentence continues across plates 13–15 +% note 53: handwritten insertion `a contemporary of' adopted (logged in QUESTIONS.md) +\noindent\origpage{47}tradition are all important'.\fn{48}{Ruari McLean, \emph{The Thames and Hudson Manual of Typography} (London, 1980), p. 52 taken from \emph{Dossier A - Z 73} ed. Fernand Baudin, Association Typographique Internationale, 1973, p. 18.} It is still an open question as to how Charles Wilkins obtained this education and sense of tradition in the arts of type design, punchcutting, and type casting. + +With regard to the \emph{Grammar,} it is scarcely credible that Wilkins `with the exception of the paper and Roman type, not only formed every article requisite for the work but literally printed it, with no other assistance or advice than the directions for the several branches in Chambers's Cyclopaedia'.\fn{49}{IOL MS EUR 30, A.J. Keily, \emph{A Memoir of Sir Charles Wilkins}, f. 48.} Not only has Wilkins been credited with the achievement of cutting, casting, and printing with the Bengali types for the \emph{Grammar} within one year single-handed, but he is also reputed to have designed a fount of Nastaʿlīq types in as short a time\fn{50}{IOR: H/207/2 \emph{Home Miscellaneous Series,} Extract of Bengal Revenue Consultations, 13 Nov 1778, p. 467: `everything necessary for printing in the Bengal and English Character have been provided, and a fount of Persian Types is nearly compleated [\emph{sic}]'.} by `the labour of his own hand, from the metal in its crudest state, through all the different stages of engraving and founding'.\fn{51}{Francis Balfour, \emph{The Forms of Herkern} (Calcutta, 1781), p. 7.} A report published by the Royal Society of Arts in 1819 casts doubt on such claims: + +\begin{extract}Caslon, the letter-founder, thinks \ldots\ it would be scarcely possible for one person to complete a fount of letters from first to last.\fn{52}{Although he is referring to Latin diamond type, Bengali would have been no simpler, and would have comprised a greater number of sorts.} In the ordinary course of business the mere preparation of the types after the punch cutter has finished his process,\fn{53}{According to a contemporary of the letter-founder Vincent Figgins (1766-1844), the greatest number of punches that an artist can cut in a day is two; see below, chapter 5.} goes through the following eight different hands; 1st, the justifier, who strikes the matrices; 2nd, the mould maker; 3rd, the caster; 4th, the breaker off; 5th, the rubber; 6th, the kerner; 7th, the setter up; 8th, the dresser. Two of these are boys; and although the work might no doubt be executed by fewer than eight different hands \ldots; yet that the whole could be gone through by one person he [Caslon] thinks barely +% the quotation continues on the next page — closed in p0050.tex diff --git a/src/pages/p0050.tex b/src/pages/p0050.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b14ce9a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0050.tex @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +% PDF page 50 — printed page 48 — Chapter 1 (cont.); opens inside the RSA quotation +\origpage{48}and scarcely possible, he has himself never heard an instance of such having been the case.\fn{54}{This is likely to be Henry Caslon II (1786-1850) of the Chiswell Street Foundry; Royal Society of Arts, \emph{Report of the Committee of the Society \&c. Relative to the Mode of Preventing the Forgery of Banknotes} (London, 1819), pp. 68-69.} +\end{extract} + +In several biographies of Charles Wilkins, emphasis has been placed on his relationship to the gem engraver Robert Bateman Wray,\fn{55}{Johnston, `Charles Wilkins', p. 128; and Khan, \emph{Printing in Bengali Characters}, I, p. 83.} a maternal great-uncle, in order to explain Wilkins's pronounced skills as `Metallurgist', `Engraver', `Founder', and `Printer', which he allegedly demonstrated most ably at least seven years after leaving England. Graham Shaw has pointed out that there is no evidence of their association with each other prior to Wilkins's departure for India.\fn{56}{Graham Shaw, \emph{Printing in Calcutta}, p. 70.} It is more probable that another gem and seal engraver named Joseph Shepherd (Shepperd) aided Charles Wilkins in India in designing and punchcutting, despite Warren Hastings's apparent contention that Wilkins was `unaided by models and imitations, and by artists for his direction \ldots'.\fn{57}{Charles Wilkins, [trans.], \emph{The Bhăgavăt-Gēētā} (London, 1785), p. 11. A piece often quoted in this context (see Khan, \emph{Printing in Bengali Characters}, I, p. 86); however, Hastings was not referring to the types but the printing and the typography.} + +Only recently has information revealing the career of Joseph Shepherd come to light and offered evidence of his association with Charles Wilkins. Part of this evidence is contained in the preface to the first part of \emph{A Dictionary, English and Hindoostanee}\fn{58}{The end of the preface is dated Calcutta, `1 August 1798', although it is bound with Part I of the \emph{Dictionary} printed in 1787.} by John Borthwick Gilchrist (1759-1841), who wrote of Shepherd: + +\begin{extract} +I had the good luck to engage Mr Shepherd, an ingenious artist, who died some ten years ago, to cast an elegant fount of Persian types for my Dictionary. He was the man who according to his own asservations \ldots\ assisted Mr Wilkins from the first, and through the whole process of forming his Bengal and Persian founts, for which that Gentleman assumed or received the exclusive merit, with its consequent profit and praise.\ldots +% Gilchrist's preface continues on the next page — closed in p0051.tex diff --git a/src/pages/p0051.tex b/src/pages/p0051.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b08cebb --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0051.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 51 — printed page 49 — Chapter 1 (cont.); opens inside Gilchrist's preface +% a University of London library stamp sits below the notes; not reproduced +\origpage{49}and I have since from enquiry in Calcutta here been more confirmed in the truth of what he declared.\ldots\fn{59}{J.B. Gilchrist, \emph{A Dictionary, English and Hindoostanee}, Pt I (Calcutta, 1787), p. xlii.} +\end{extract} + +There is little reason to doubt Gilchrist's statement. The Persian types alone testify to Shepherd's skill in producing a fount of `exotic' letterforms. That Shepherd was well qualified to assist Wilkins is further endorsed by Graham Shaw's sketch of the former's career. \erratum{Advertisements}{Advertisments} from 1782 placed by Shepherd in the \emph{India Gazette} suggest that he was adept at producing `visiting cards and other devices, engraved and printed, cyphers and Persian characters neatly cut on stone seals and engravings on silver and gold\ldots'.\fn{60}{Shaw, \emph{Printing in Calcutta}, pp. 70-71.} In 1784 he entered into partnership with a jeweller, Mr Young; a partnership that continued until shortly before his death in 1787.\fn{61}{He died aged thirty-four.} + +An indirect link has been established between Shepherd and Wilkins through the discovery of a bookplate belonging to John Andrews's circulating library. The bookplate, dated 1774, bears the artist's signature `Shepperd SC'. Katherine Smith Diehl, in a short article relating this discovery by a post-graduate student A. M. Fazle Kabir, maintains that during this period Shepherd was a `21 year-old engraver for the English East India Company's (EEIC) Mint situated at Hoogly', while Charles Wilkins was `mint superintendent \ldots\ responsible for munitions, carriage, other metal products, and, later, types'.\fn{62}{Katherine Smith Diehl, `The Cover', \emph{The Journal of Library History}, 16, no. 1 (Winter, 1981), pp. 4-5.} But Diehl provides no references in her article to substantiate her statement of their apparently allied professions.\fn{63}{A statement which merits further investigation.} The possibility of their association is strengthened by the likelihood that John Andrews was the owner of the press used to print Halhed's \emph{Grammar}.\fn{64}{And, presumably, the bookplate.} According to John Marshman, a contemporary of Wilkins, `the first book in which Bengalee types were used was Halhed's Bengalee Grammar, printed at Hooghly at the press established by Mr Andrews, a diff --git a/src/pages/p0052.tex b/src/pages/p0052.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2ee7b7b --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0052.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 52 — printed page 50 — Chapter 1 (cont.) +% note 67 carries handwritten square brackets round the parenthesis — meaning +% unclear, transcribed as typed and logged in QUESTIONS.md +\origpage{50}bookseller, in 1778'.\fn{65}{John Clark Marshman, \emph{The Life and Times of Carey, Marshman, and Ward} (London, 1859), I, p. 159.} This has remained unconfirmed by other sources, but no proof to the contrary has yet emerged. Thus current evidence points to the acceptance of Gilchrist's information regarding Shepherd:\fn{66}{As it has been by the \emph{East Indian Chronologist} (Calcutta, 1801).} Wilkins had the opportunity to avail himself of the assistance of a skilled engraver who was on hand at the right time and had also proved himself as a type designer. + +Although it is not possible to determine the precise working method adopted by Charles Wilkins for producing the commissioned types, nor to discover at what stage he made use of local assistance, there is no doubt that an Indian, named Pañcānana Karmakāra,\fn{67}{The surname `Karmakāra' (literally, `an actor of an action') signifies `blacksmith' in Bengali.} was employed by him in some capacity. According to John Marshman, Wilkins `gave instruction in the art [of punchcutting] which he had acquired, to an expert blacksmith of the name of Punchanon, through whose labours it became domesticated in Bengal'.\fn{68}{Marshman, \emph{Carey, Marshman, and Ward}, I, p. 70.} Pañcānana was later engaged by the Serampore Missionaries for precisely this purpose. It can be assumed that he assisted Wilkins in punchcutting and striking matrices, and that he probably undertook the casting of the types, since he was the better qualified for the task. On the evidence of the Serampore typefaces,\fn{69}{See below, chapter 3.i.} it is doubtful that Pañcānana was active in the design of Wilkins's types, which display a quality superior to the initial efforts of the Serampore Missionaries. + +The composing technique developed by Wilkins for CW1 was fundamental to its design and laid the basis for the composition and design of succeeding Bengali typefaces. In order to determine the method he used, it is necessary to identify the sorts employed in the fount, that is, to establish the fount synopsis. diff --git a/src/pages/p0053.tex b/src/pages/p0053.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5ac32f7 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0053.tex @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +% PDF page 53 — printed page 51 — Chapter 1 (cont.) +% The Bengali here is CW1 type specimen material pasted into the original's +% own text — the argument compares variant sorts — so it is cut from the scan +% with tools/crop_inline.py and set with \ig, not typed as Tiro Bangla. + +\origpage{51}It has been suggested that the Bengali types required for setting the \emph{Grammar} comprised some 488 sorts:\fn{70}{`Sorts' have been defined as `any particular matrices or types as distinct from a complete fount'; Linotype, \emph{Printing Terms}, p. 39; also see above, p. 43.} `16 vowels, 34 consonants, 8 vowel signs, 374 phalas, 29 contractions of letters, 10 figures, 15 arithmetical figures and 2 punctuation marks.'\fn{71}{Khan, \emph{Printing in Bengali Characters}, I, p. 371.} A close examination of the \emph{Grammar} does not confirm these figures.\fn{72}{No account appears to have been taken of the means by which a representation of all the characters has been achieved.} The true number of sorts designed for CW1 is closer to 200. + +In the first instance, the vowel characters number, at the most, twelve sorts:\fn{73}{It is possible that \ig{plates/inline/p0053-g15.png} is also made up from two sorts, see below. The Bengali characters inserted in the text of this thesis represent typeforms, not handwritten forms.} + +\noindent\ig{plates/inline/p0053-vowels.png}\par\smallskip +\noindent although \ig{plates/inline/p0053-g01.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0053-g02.png}, \ig{plates/inline/p0053-g03.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0053-g04.png} appear as individual characters,\fn{74}{Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, p. 4; also see pl. 16.} they are made up from two sorts; the first being common, and the second parts \ig{plates/inline/p0053-g05.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0053-g06.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0053-g07.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0053-g08.png} respectively. Secondly, it would be erroneous to assume that the thirty-four consonants printed in the first chapter of the \emph{Grammar,} under the heading `Second Series',\fn{75}{Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, p. 4.} constitute the complete set of consonantal sorts. The typeform \ig{plates/inline/p0053-g09.png} , for example, is used as an alternative to \ig{plates/inline/p0053-g10.png} and does not appear until page 12. Furthermore, variant designs of certain characters make their appearance throughout the book.\fn{76}{Therefore entailing different punches, matrices, and types.} Examples of this phenomenon are the different versions of the consonants \ig{plates/inline/p0053-g11.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0053-g12.png}.\fn{77}{See pl. 18.} Since there is clear evidence of such variations in design, it is possible that these characters are not alone in having alternative forms. The typeforms \ig{plates/inline/p0053-g13.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0053-g14.png}, for instance, do not appear consistent in design throughout, but it is difficult to determine all the alternative diff --git a/src/pages/p0054.tex b/src/pages/p0054.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5db290f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0054.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 54 — printed page 52 — plate 16 +\plateop{52}{16}{plates/p0054.png}{Charles Wilkins's first Bengali fount (CW1); N.B. Halhed, \emph{A Grammar of the Bengal Language,} (Hoogly, 1778)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0055.tex b/src/pages/p0055.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b7c0962 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0055.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 55 — printed page 53 — plate 17 +\plateop{53}{17}{plates/p0055.png}{CW1: `The twelve P,HOLAAS'; Halhed, \emph{Grammar}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0056.tex b/src/pages/p0056.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..281f88d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0056.tex @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +% PDF page 56 — printed page 54 — Chapter 1 (cont.) +% CW1 specimens cut from the scan with tools/crop_inline.py (see p0053.tex) +\origpage{54}forms which occur under the conditions available for studying the \emph{Grammar}.\fn{78}{Owing to its age and rarity, it has not been possible to borrow the \emph{Grammar} for analysis; facsimile editions are not sufficiently accurate.} A slight inconsistency in the quality of the printing can be mistaken for a new character shape; an example of this is the character \ig{plates/inline/p0056-h01.png} , whose hairline stroke does not always reproduce well in print. The purpose of employing two sorts for the same character is hard to ascertain, particularly if the difference is barely noticeable and appears to serve no special function. In the case of \ig{plates/inline/p0056-h02.png} , Charles Wilkins perhaps found the original design too heavy and decided to improve its weight and modify its curve. This explanation is more plausible than the possibility of both the punch and matrix of \ig{plates/inline/p0056-h03.png} being lost.\fn{79}{As in the case of some of his Devanagari types; Charles Wilkins, \emph{Grammar of the Sanskrita Language,} p. xii.} Moreover, Wilkins is known to have revised some characters of his later founts.\fn{80}{See below.} + +The case of \ig{plates/inline/p0056-h04.png} is similar, but there is a greater disparity between the two versions. Although \ig{plates/inline/p0056-h05.png} appears to be an earlier version,\fn{81}{On account of its earlier appearance and the use of \ig{plates/inline/p0056-h14.png} in the Errata pages.} it continues to make its appearance alongside that of \ig{plates/inline/p0056-h06.png} , even on the same page,\fn{82}{See Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, p. 132, and pl. 18.} and in similar circumstances, i.e. as initial and medial consonant of a word. Perhaps Wilkins was not fully satisfied with either attempt, and thus both designs shared the same typecase compartment and were used indiscriminately. In a Bengali fount of a later period Wilkins also has two sorts for the character \ig{plates/inline/p0056-h07.png} \fn{83}{Namely CW4; see below, pl. 28.}; it is not an easy letterform to engrave at the end of a punch. + +The characters \ig{plates/inline/p0056-h08.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0056-h09.png} , and \ig{plates/inline/p0056-h10.png} ,\fn{84}{These are not listed in the `Second Series': Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, p. 4.} however, are neither extra sorts nor variations in design but are the original sorts for the letterforms \ig{plates/inline/p0056-h11.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0056-h12.png} , and \ig{plates/inline/p0056-h13.png} . The types for the latter group would have been cast as dotted letterforms; diff --git a/src/pages/p0057.tex b/src/pages/p0057.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..568c62e --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0057.tex @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +% PDF page 57 — printed page 55 — plate 18 +% the caption's two glyphs are set as text, as in the List of Plates (p.5) +\plateop{55}{18}{plates/p0057.png}{CW1: alternative forms of \ig{plates/inline/p0057-g1.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0057-g2.png}; Halhed, \emph{Grammar}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0058.tex b/src/pages/p0058.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b072a64 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0058.tex @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +% PDF page 58 — printed page 56 — Chapter 1 (cont.); continues across plate 18 +% CW1 specimens cut from the scan with tools/crop_inline.py +\noindent\origpage{56}the dots being subsequently filed off to produce their undotted counterparts. The same holds true for the characters \ig{plates/inline/p0058-k01.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0058-k02.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0058-k03.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0058-k04.png} , and \ig{plates/inline/p0058-k05.png} whose connecting headline was removed for these consonants to appear in isolation and not in text.\fn{85}{See pl. 16.} + +Alternative sorts are employed in CW1 for some of the vowel signs which require different designs depending on their position in a word. The sign \ig{plates/inline/p0058-k06.png} has three sorts: \ig{plates/inline/p0058-k07.png} for a final position, \ig{plates/inline/p0058-k08.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0058-k09.png} for medial positions.\fn{86}{Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, p. 19.} Both styles of the medial form were commonly used in the manuscripts available to Wilkins, but there is no obvious reason to have both forms in the fount. At first sight, it could be thought that the central vertical stroke which rises above the headline (of the former version) at times fails to print properly, but close examination reveals two different designs. There seems to be no logic behind their application in the text of the \emph{Grammar;} the two kinds already appear in the first chapter in similar situations. The form \ig{plates/inline/p0058-k10.png} may have been designed to be used in conjunction with the sign \ig{plates/inline/p0058-k11.png} (\emph{candrabindu}), since correct positioning of the \emph{candrabindu} over the alternative sort \ig{plates/inline/p0058-k12.png} would not have been possible. But this does not explain why Wilkins did not confine himself to using the typeform \ig{plates/inline/p0058-k13.png} throughout the work, or to employing it only in combination with superscripts. Moreover, the position of the \emph{candrabindu} over \ig{plates/inline/p0058-k14.png} is by no means perfect,\fn{87}{See Halhed, ibid., p. 35.} and the final form \ig{plates/inline/p0058-k15.png} is sometimes used instead with very poor results.\fn{88}{Halhed, ibid., pp. 71, 170, etc; although Wilkins has been named as the printer of the \emph{Grammar,} it cannot be assumed that he was the compositor.} + +The vowel sign \ig{plates/inline/p0058-k16.png} also appears to have two forms with very similar design; one possessing a higher and shorter curve than the other to facilitate kerning over diff --git a/src/pages/p0059.tex b/src/pages/p0059.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c9cf6a8 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0059.tex @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +% PDF page 59 — printed page 57 — Chapter 1 (cont.) +% CW1 specimens cut from the scan with tools/crop_inline.py +\origpage{57}characters which extend above the headline.\fn{89}{e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0059-m13.png} ; See Halhed, Grammar, pp. 57, 60, 91, 140, 163, etc.} It is possible that in such cases the metal curve of the ascender is forced back by use of compositor's tools to accommodate the additional height of the consonant it modifies. On page 39 of the \emph{Grammar,} it seems that the ascending stroke of \ig{plates/inline/p0059-m01.png} has also been filed down to fit under the curve of this vowel sign. On the other hand, \ig{plates/inline/p0059-m02.png} employs for its vowel sign two quite disparate designs to perform identical functions, for although one possesses a better kern, they both appear to be used indiscriminately in medial and final positions.\fn{90}{See Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, p. 146, where both sorts modify the consonant \ig{plates/inline/p0059-m14.png} .} + +The signs \ig{plates/inline/p0059-m03.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0059-m04.png} each exist as a separate sort; whilst for \ig{plates/inline/p0059-m05.png} , the forms \ig{plates/inline/p0059-m06.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0059-m07.png} are used in initial and medial positions respectively. Similarly, the sign \ig{plates/inline/p0059-m08.png} occurs in two designs, viz. \ig{plates/inline/p0059-m09.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0059-m10.png} ; although the latter is rarely needed and at times is erroneously printed in an initial position.\fn{91}{e.g. on pages 31, 32 and 197 of the \emph{Grammar}.} Lastly, the vowel signs \ig{plates/inline/p0059-m11.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0059-m12.png} occur as medial and final forms. It can therefore be concluded that Wilkins employed at least fourteen vowel signs in printing the \emph{Grammar}.\fn{92}{Excluding p. 209 which is discussed below.} + +Halhed disclosed the method employed for printing compound characters (conjuncts): + +\begin{extract} +I have already mentioned, that by the original structure of this language every consonant inherently possesses the short vowel on which its utterance depends; it is plain therefore on this principle, that no two consonants could have been joined together, and successively pronounced in the same syllable; but that a vowel must necessarily have intervened. As an expedient to remedy this inconvenience, a set of distinct characters were invented, called \ig{plates/inline/p0059-m15.png} P'holaa, or adjuncts. They are certain subordinate and subsidiary figures, that may be attached to each of the consonants in the alphabet respectively, to +% the quotation continues on the next page — closed in p0060.tex diff --git a/src/pages/p0060.tex b/src/pages/p0060.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a5c8e41 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0060.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 60 — printed page 58 — Chapter 1 (cont.); opens inside Halhed's quotation +% note 94 carries a handwritten addition, adopted (logged in QUESTIONS.md) +\origpage{58}provide against the too frequent recurrence of the internal vowel.\fn{93}{Halhed, \emph{Grammar,} pp. 16-17.} +\end{extract} + +The term \emph{phalā} normally pertains to the signs which represent the characters \ig{plates/inline/p0060-n01.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0060-n02.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0060-n03.png} , and \ig{plates/inline/p0060-n04.png} as the final member of a conjunct; whereas Halhed used the term to signify `eleven subservient marks or signs.'\fn{94}{Halhed, ibid., p. 17, see pl. 17 showing `The twelve P,HOLAAS.' Regarding `the twelfth word of the series', see ibid., pp 17 and 24-26.} Whether Halhed misapplied the word `P'holaa' is not of concern here, rather the pertinence of his remark lies in the fact that Wilkins, for typographical purposes, expanded the notion of having reduced forms of certain characters which could be attached to any consonant for the creation of conjuncts. This technique obviates the necessity of designing a sort for every combination required. Thus it reduces considerably the size of the fount, although it necessitates the inclusion of \emph{phalās} as well as extra sorts comprising reduced forms of those consonants forming the first member of a conjunct. Both \emph{phalās} and reduced initial forms are cast on a smaller body than the main characters of the syllabary, so that two sorts can fit together to generate one character and still align with the rest of the fount. If well designed, the resulting conjunct has the appearance of being one integral character; the specific intention is to dupe the reader. + +There are several means of ascertaining whether the conjuncts printed in the \emph{Grammar} comprise one or two sorts. Firstly, a break in the compound character can frequently be observed.\fn{95}{With the aid of a magnifying lens.} Not only is this division between the two elements visible, but often the same combination of sorts may conjoin less happily elsewhere in the \emph{Grammar}. Secondly, some conjuncts have been created by different means for no particular reason. An example of this is the conjunct \ig{plates/inline/p0060-n05.png} which appears as \ig{plates/inline/p0060-n06.png} on page 10 and as \ig{plates/inline/p0060-n07.png} on page 97. A break is at once discernible to the naked eye in the former version, and there is no reason for the latter version to be restricted to this form unless a subscript follows.\fn{96}{As in the case of \ig{plates/inline/p0060-n09.png} (p. 27), but \ig{plates/inline/p0060-n10.png} (p. 61).} It therefore confirms the suggestion that the conjunct \ig{plates/inline/p0060-n08.png} was not readily diff --git a/src/pages/p0061.tex b/src/pages/p0061.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..84ef628 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0061.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 61 — printed page 59 — Chapter 1 (cont.) +\origpage{59}available as one sort in the fount,\fn{97}{Wilkins could hardly have run short of type.} but had to be produced with the use of one or two reduced letterforms, i.e. from two types. Further verification of this method of composition employed by Wilkins is exemplified by the conjunct \ig{plates/inline/p0061-q01.png}, which occurs frequently in the \emph{Grammar}.\fn{98}{Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, pp. 15, 28, 30, 54, 56, 61, 69, 95, 103, 118, 143 and 181.} On page 15 \ig{plates/inline/p0061-q02.png} is made up from two reduced letterforms, as it is on page 61, but both differ considerably. The most striking difference is that in the latter case, the reduced form of \ig{plates/inline/p0061-q03.png} , i.e. the superior component, is very much larger. + +Whilst such cases illustrate Wilkins's typesetting technique, there is no explanation for holding two reduced forms of the same character in one fount. Some seem to have the function of forming a second fount of smaller types to print the petition appearing on page 209, but it cannot be established beyond doubt\fn{99}{Without photographically enlarging the relevant characters; see above, n. 78.} that the types appearing on this page were cast from the same matrices as those used to generate the initial parts\fn{100}{`Initial' due to the presence of a headline. CW2 is discussed below.} of conjuncts, particularly with regard to their stroke weight, which appears different. Moreover, a number of reduced consonants possessing two designs, as in the previously cited example of \ig{plates/inline/p0061-q04.png} , were not required for the petition. As in the case of \ig{plates/inline/p0061-q05.png} mentioned above, it is possible that new, perhaps improved, designs were added to the fount as the printing of the \emph{Grammar} progressed, without superseding their earlier forms. This would explain the presence of two versions of one character on the same page. + +Not all conjuncts were formed by the method just outlined. Some were cast as whole characters, usually due to the peculiarities of their formation, but sometimes due to their exceptionally frequent occurrence, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0061-q06.png} . The majority of these ligatures and special sorts are listed by Halhed on pages 33 to 35 of diff --git a/src/pages/p0062.tex b/src/pages/p0062.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ae8ddb0 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0062.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 62 — printed page 60 — Chapter 1 (cont.) +\origpage{60}the \emph{Grammar}. It is not possible to determine in each case the method whereby a conjunct has been printed in this work. Therefore in calculating the number of sorts held in the fount, a conjunct has been identified as one sort where any doubt exists as to its formation. On this basis, it appears that the reduced forms of characters number forty-eight, the ligatures and special sorts number thirty-two. Including numerals, punctuation and additional signs, the total fount of Bengali types comprised approximately 170 sorts. Thus Charles Wilkins succeeded, as one of his contemporaries related, in `casting a complete fount of Bengal characters so currently united as not to leave their junctions visible but on very minute examination; as you [John Nichols] may see in Halhed's Bengal Grammar'.\fn{101}{Letter from George Perry, Calcutta 1 Oct 1783: John Nichols, \emph{Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century} (London, 1812), 6, pt I, p. 638.} + +CW1 was also used in the separate publication, \emph{Preface to a Grammar of the Bengal Language,} to print in Bengali characters a Bengali ode `composed \ldots\ by an inhabitant of Hoogly'\fn{102}{Nathaniel Brassey Halhed, \emph{Preface to a Grammar of the Bengal Language} (Hoogly, 1778), p. xxv; see also pl. 19.} which does not appear in the \emph{Grammar}. Another item printed with this typeface was recently discovered amongst Halhed's papers\fn{103}{BL MS Add. 5660F, and see pl. 20.} and is the earliest extant example of blank-form printing in the Bengali language at Calcutta.\fn{104}{See Shaw, \emph{Halhed's Manuscripts}, p. 3.} It is not known when this form, which is accompanied by a Hindustani version, was printed, except that it must have taken place prior to Halhed's departure from India in 1785. The choice of types does not help to establish its date, but it is interesting to note the consistency of the forms \ig{plates/inline/p0062-r01.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0062-r02.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0062-r03.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0062-r04.png} throughout the piece, which gives the text a uniformity lacking in the \emph{Grammar}. The item provides a better appreciation of the capabilities of Wilkins's first typeface for text-setting than is demonstrated in \emph{A Grammar of the Bengal Language}.\fn{105}{As the \emph{Grammar} takes most of its examples from Bengali translations of Sanskrit epic poetry.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0063.tex b/src/pages/p0063.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0278142 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0063.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 63 — printed page 61 — plate 19 +\plateop{61}{19}{plates/p0063.png}{A Bengali Ode: CW1; N.B. Halhed, \emph{Preface to a Grammar of the Bengal Language} (Hoogly, 1778)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0064.tex b/src/pages/p0064.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..522d77c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0064.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 64 — printed page 62 — plate 20 (printed sideways in the original) +\plateop{62}{20}{plates/p0064.png}{BL MS Add. 5660F: Blank form printed with CW1} diff --git a/src/pages/p0065.tex b/src/pages/p0065.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8b2e97c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0065.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 65 — printed page 63 — Chapter 1 (cont.) +\origpage{63}The structure of CW1's characters does not accord with manuscript letterforms, for the strokes join in a manner contradicting the stroke sequence of penned Bengali forms.\fn{106}{See below, chapter 3ii.} Despite the disposition of CW1's strokes, its design achieves a calligraphic quality by the slight weight differential of the thin and thick strokes and the diagonal stress which adds movement to the typeface. Inconsistencies in design, and the crude fashioning of strokes or curves such as \ig{plates/inline/p0065-s01.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0065-s02.png} , and \ig{plates/inline/p0065-s03.png} do not seriously mar the typeface, but add to its calligraphic charm. Its elegance, however, is impaired by clumsy conjunctions resulting from the \emph{phalā} method of composition. The consistently open counters, which are well balanced by the intercharacter spacing, contribute to the harmony of the design, as does the regularity of the oblique downstrokes. The legibility of the typeface is assisted by its large type size which was probably intended to benefit the students of the \emph{Grammar,} and perhaps reflects Wilkins's inexperience in punchcutting.\fn{107}{It is easier to cut at this size; type sizes are discussed below, see chapter 10.} As a pioneer fount of Bengali types, Wilkins's first fount represents a remarkable achievement. + +The quality of the types used to print the \emph{Grammar} was matched by the high standard of typography it exhibited.\fn{108}{For an early Indian imprint.} Typography has been defined `as the art of rightly disposing printing material in accordance with specific purpose; of so arranging the letters, distributing the space and controlling the type as to aid to the maximum the reader's comprehension of the text'.\fn{109}{Stanley Morison, \emph{First Principles of Typography}, 2nd edn (Cambridge, 1967), p. 5.} It has been established that Halhed modelled his \emph{Grammar,} and Wilkins its typography, on the Persian Grammar\fn{110}{In so far as the English content (in Latin types) is concerned.} of William Jones.\fn{111}{Sir William Jones, \emph{A Grammar of the Persian Language} (London, 1771). For a detailed comparison, see Qayyum, \emph{Critical Study}, chapter V.} Wilkins's skill in Bengali typography developed as he gained more experience in the art of printing. On 13 November 1778 the Governor-General submitted to the Council an application diff --git a/src/pages/p0066.tex b/src/pages/p0066.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b541c75 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0066.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 66 — printed page 64 — Chapter 1 (cont.) +\origpage{64}by Wilkins for the establishment of the East India Company's own press\fn{112}{IOR: H/207 \emph{Home Miscellaneous Series;} Extract of Bengal Revenue Consultations, 13 Nov 1778, pp. 463-74.} for printing documents. The request to draw up such a proposal came from Warren Hastings, who perceived the advantage of having a press under the Company's control. In a letter to the Court of Directors, Hastings wrote: + +\begin{extract} +Mr Wilkins having informed us that he had completed the construction of a set of Type of the Bengal language, and the printing of the Grammar of that language, and the Governor General having reported to us that much expense had been incurred in bringing this art to its present degree of perfection, that it might be applied to public use and preserved from being lost; we resolved as a further encouragement to the labours of Mr Wilkins, to establish a printing office under his direction for the purpose of printing such papers as are confined to settled forms whether in the Persian, Bengal or English character.\fn{113}{IOR: \emph{Bengal Letters Received}, Feb 1779 to Mar 1780, pp. 39-40; the letter is dated 9 Feb 1779.} +\end{extract} + +The number of staff Wilkins considered necessary to operate the two presses advocated in his petition comprised two compositors in Bengali and Persian, one compositor in English, one pundit, one munśī, one porter, eight pressmen, one hand pressman, four peons, one jamadar (sweeper), and one bookbinder.\fn{114}{IOR: H/207 \emph{Home Miscellaneous;} Extract of Bengal Revenue Consultations, 13 Nov 1778, p. 468.} Wilkins was appointed to the post of Superintendent of the Honourable Company's Press in December 1778, in addition to his other duties as Superintendent of the Company's factories. The Company's Press was situated at Malda, but was moved to Calcutta in 1781 when Wilkins was transferred there as Persian and Bengali Translator to the Revenue Committee. He remained Printer to the Company until 1784 when he was granted leave through ill-health; he never resumed office.\fn{115}{Francis Gladwin succeeded him to this post.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0067.tex b/src/pages/p0067.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b3ea757 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0067.tex @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +% PDF page 67 — printed page 65 — Chapter 1 (cont.) +% handwritten `e' inserted over a caret: homogenous -> homogeneous (adopted) +\origpage{65}One of the first items printed by the Honourable Company's Press may have been the form recently discovered amongst Halhed's papers at the British Library.\fn{116}{Mentioned above, see p. 60.} This form, printed with CW1, displays a higher standard of typography than is to be found in the \emph{Grammar}.\fn{117}{See pl. 20.} The Bengali text has been carefully justified\fn{118}{In accordance with the definition of `Justification' as `the even and equal spacing of words or blocks to a given measure'; Linotype, \emph{Printing Terms}, p. 23.} and bears testimony to the skill of the typographer, who has succeeded in demonstrating the homogeneous quality of the typeface. + +The inclusion in the \emph{Grammar} of an engraved reproduction of a Bengali petition accompanied by its translation into type affords an example of the distinction between calligraphy and typography.\fn{119}{Halhed, \emph{Grammar,} p. 209 and facing plate. These are noteworthy for other reasons, see below, pp. 17, 20-21, and pls. 21 and 22.} The copperplate engraving reproduces very accurately the cursive Bengali hand of the scribe who copied for Halhed's reference\fn{120}{See Shaw, \emph{Printing Interest}, p. 2.} the collection of documents described by Blumhardt as `bonds, leases and other documents in use by landlords and tenants'.\fn{121}{Blumhardt, \emph{Bengali \ldots\ Manuscripts in \ldots\ the British Museum}, p. 37: Add. 5660E, ff. 27-38. See pl. 23. The cursive hand is quite distinct from the more formal style of what may be termed the decorative hand of the MSS discussed above. The cursive hand is characterized by the abandonment of the headline and, unlike its decorative counterpart, not all the limbs of the basic characters are fully formed; for some examples see H.M. Lambert, \emph{Introduction to the Devanagari Script} (London, 1953), `Bengali Section', pp. 177, 186, 188, 192 and 194.} Although numerous petitions are included in these documents, the one given in the \emph{Grammar} is not extant. Existing material, however, suggests that Wilkins's accomplished engraving is a true representation of the original; the manuscript hand differs mainly in the formation of the vowel signs. The version printed from type faithfully follows the layout given by the calligraphic hand of the engraving, including end-of-line rules to justify the text.\fn{122}{Except for interword spacing, as mentioned above.} The shapes of the characters, however, bear no similarity. diff --git a/src/pages/p0068.tex b/src/pages/p0068.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..746b319 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0068.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 68 — printed page 66 — plate 21 +\plateop{66}{21}{plates/p0068.png}{Engraving of the Bengali cursive hand by Wilkins; Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, plate facing p. 209} diff --git a/src/pages/p0069.tex b/src/pages/p0069.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8918bba --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0069.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 69 — printed page 67 — plate 22 +\plateop{67}{22}{plates/p0069.png}{Second fount of Bengali types produced by Wilkins (CW2); Halhed, \emph{Grammar}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0070.tex b/src/pages/p0070.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4bd7f9d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0070.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 70 — printed page 68 — plate 23 +\plateop{68}{23}{plates/p0070.png}{Bengali manuscript (cursive hand): BL MS Add 5660E - `An Obligation'} diff --git a/src/pages/p0071.tex b/src/pages/p0071.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5d6d1ed --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0071.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 71 — printed page 69 — Chapter 1 (cont.) +\origpage{69}The characters that appear on page 209 of the \emph{Grammar} form a separate typeface, CW2, even though not every character of the syllabary has been represented. It is possible that some of the typeforms had a place in Wilkins's first Bengali fount,\fn{123}{See above, p. 59.} but the majority of the sorts used to print the petition are unique to this page: the vowel signs, conjuncts, and numerals were all designed to appear only at this type size.\fn{124}{And were not simply reductions of the first fount.} This fount appears incomplete, but there is no pre-determined size of a fount of Bengali types.\fn{125}{The phrase `a complete fount of Bengali types' gives no indication of the number of sorts required; also see below, chapter 3iii.} The range of characters is wholly dependent on the typesetting technique devised by the type designer, who must take into account the job for which his designs are intended. In this case, the sorts of CW2 were conceived as a second fount, compatible with the principal Bengali fount employed; both typefaces appear on page 209.\fn{126}{It has been assumed here that CW2 was cut after CW1, since the latter was urgently required for the \emph{Grammar} and its size was more appropriate. On the other hand, CW2 could have comprised the experimental types referred to by Hastings (see above.). It is interesting to note that not all copies of the \emph{Grammar} include the engraving, e.g. it is shown in the SOAS edition CWM D3/4, but not in EB 77.91 310093.} + +CW2, whose appearance on page 209 is dominated by the strong headline extension, is a legible, but inelegant, typeface. The openness of the intercharacter spacing and internal counters assist its readability; but the unevenness in stroke weight, the different angles of the oblique strokes, and the inconsistent handling of common elements (compare \ig{plates/inline/p0071-t01.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0071-t02.png} , and \ig{plates/inline/p0071-t03.png} ) disturb its rhythm. Such defects appear indicative of the inexperience of the punchcutter, or type designer, at handling such complex character shapes at this small type size.\fn{127}{In comparison to John Lawson's superior efforts 15 years later at the Serampore Mission Press; see below, chapter 3i and pl. 47.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0072.tex b/src/pages/p0072.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0b044d3 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0072.tex @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +% PDF page 72 — printed page 70 — Chapter 1 (cont.) +% handwritten `from' inserted over a caret after `different' (adopted) +\origpage{70}The design of Wilkins's third Bengali fount (CW3), which was employed by the Company's Press for printing translations, regulations, forms, and other sundry items including the first work ever printed in Sanskrit,\fn{128}{Kālidāsa [Ṛtusaṃhāra]. \emph{The Seasons: a Descriptive Poem, by Cálidás, in the Original Sanscrit}, ed. Sir William Jones (Calcutta, 1792). A Sanskrit work in Bengali characters. The first regulation to be printed in Bengali characters by the Honourable Company's Press was the \emph{Translation of the Regulations for the Administration of Justice in the Courts of the Dewanny Adawlut} by Jonathan Duncan (Calcutta, 1784).} is manifestly different from that of CW1 (and CW2).\fn{129}{See pls. 24-26.} This typeface, whilst retaining a diagonal stress achieved by such characters as \ig{plates/inline/p0072-u01.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0072-u02.png} , and \ig{plates/inline/p0072-u03.png} , is characterized by its heavy headline and the strong vertical strokes emphasized by the tight intercharacter spacing and the relatively narrow counters of characters like \ig{plates/inline/p0072-u04.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0072-u05.png} . The main characters of the syllabary have been reduced in height as well as width, although when set with subscripts and superscripts the size of the typeface has remained much the same. This modification renders it more suitable for mixing with Latin types;\fn{130}{For which purpose it was often employed by the East India Company.} it therefore also begins to approximate the height of the script in manuscript form. + +The most striking change in the design of the types is the alteration in character to character relationships. Proportions have altered considerably. For instance, the character \ig{plates/inline/p0072-u06.png} , which in CW1 was of similar proportions to \ig{plates/inline/p0072-u07.png} , has been so condensed in CW3 as to render it hardly comparable to its precursor; it is very poorly designed. The sort \ig{plates/inline/p0072-u08.png} also suffers from the excessive reduction of its internal counter, and the narrow typeform \ig{plates/inline/p0072-u09.png} , whilst kerning skilfully under the character it modifies, has become stiff and angular, losing the flow of its earlier design.\fn{131}{See Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, p. 23.} Variations in the design of one sort, as in CW1, no longer appear: the medial \ig{plates/inline/p0072-u10.png} has returned to its form \ig{plates/inline/p0072-u11.png} , but discrepancies exist in the stroke weight of certain characters, which are not wholly attributable to unevenness in the printing. diff --git a/src/pages/p0073.tex b/src/pages/p0073.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d09134e --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0073.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 73 — printed page 71 — plate 24 +\plateop{71}{24}{plates/p0073.png}{Third fount of Bengali types produced by Wilkins (CW3); \emph{Bengal Translation of Extracts From the Regulations For the Conduct of the Collectors in the Revenue Department} (Calcutta, 1787)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0074.tex b/src/pages/p0074.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8390c0a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0074.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 74 — printed page 72 — plate 25 +\plateop{72}{25}{plates/p0074.png}{CW3: College of Fort William, Examination Paper (Calcutta, 1801)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0075.tex b/src/pages/p0075.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2e0cd52 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0075.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 75 — printed page 73 — plate 26 +\plateop{73}{26}{plates/p0075.png}{CW3: \emph{Additional Supplement to the Calcutta Gazette} (Calcutta, 1794) from the Berthold Wolpe Typographic Collection} diff --git a/src/pages/p0076.tex b/src/pages/p0076.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1858b94 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0076.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 76 — printed page 74 — Chapter 1 (cont.) +\origpage{74}Changes in design are not due to any alteration in the method of composition; conjuncts are still generated in the same manner. It would seem, however, that the designer was at pains to maintain a uniform baseline, at times to the detriment of combined letterforms, whose separate elements were further reduced to align with the rest of the character set, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0076-v01.png} . The overall appearance of CW3 is one of greater uniformity, and perhaps sophistication, than is to be found in previous Bengali founts, but it is marred by the misalignment of the strong headline. The `choppy' effect may be the result of poor casting, or simply that the condensed nature of the typeface sets more words to the line, thereby increasing the potential number of breaks to be observed. The fount can be criticized for possessing a somewhat static appearance and lacking the dynamism of CW1. The extent to which Wilkins, Shepherd, and Pañcānana participated in the design of this typeface is not known. + +Although the fourth and last fount of Bengali types (CW4) reputedly designed by Charles Wilkins was produced outside India, it will be discussed here, since the previous fount (CW3) apparently formed its basis. Wilkins returned to England in 1786, where his typographical endeavours continued.\fn{132}{By 1808 he had completed his Devanagari fount.} But it was not until 1811 that his final Bengali typeface appeared in the first Bengali book printed in Europe in Bengali characters:\fn{133}{Presumably in response to the urgent need of text books for teaching oriental languages at the East India Company's Haileybury College. Only two Bengali imprints are known to have been printed at East India House (London).} \emph{Mahārāja Kṛṣṇacandrarāyasya Caritraṃ} by Rājīvalocana Mukhopādhyāya, printed in 1811 at East India House under Wilkins's supervision.\fn{134}{This followed an Indian edition published in 1809.} One copy of this book held in the Library of the Indian Institute at Oxford has a note on the flyleaf, which mentions that `The types were cut by the late Dr (after Sir Charles) Wilkins. Several of them, being large and uncouth, were thrown away, and others smaller and diff --git a/src/pages/p0077.tex b/src/pages/p0077.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7b14343 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0077.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 77 — printed page 75 — Chapter 1 (cont.) +\origpage{75}neater substituted in their place'. The note bears the signature of F[rancis] Johnson, professor at Haileybury College. + +Johnson's statement is borne out by the works printed in this typeface:\fn{135}{William Savage, \emph{A Dictionary of the Art of Printing} (London, 1841), is the last work known to have employed this typeface: pp. 33-37.} certain letterforms belonging to Charles Wilkins's final Bengali fount do share the same design as those of CW3, whose punches, it is thought, accompanied him on his return to England. His note, however, understates the extent of the revisions carried out, and which therefore accords the fount the status of a new typeface.\fn{136}{See below, chapter 6.} It is possible that Wilkins was now sufficiently experienced to cut the punches of the modified sorts without the aid of new drawings or a skilled punchcutter, but by engraving new designs or revisions onto new punches whilst using the old ones as models. The two designs, old and new, could be quickly compared by the customary and effective method of smoke-proofing.\fn{137}{A `smoke proof' has been defined as `an impression from a punch obtained by putting the punch into the flame of a flaring gas-burner until its face is covered with soot, and after breathing repeatedly on a piece of paper to moisten it, firmly pressing the punch on the paper'; Linotype, \emph{Printing Terms}, p. 34.} He may, however, have been assisted\fn{138}{Refer to Caslon's comments above, pp. 47-48.} by William Martin, `the ingenious mechanic' who had cut the punches designed by Wilkins for Richardson's \emph{A Dictionary, Persian, Arabic and English}.\fn{139}{John Richardson, \emph{A Dictionary, Persian, Arabic and English}, A new edition, with numerous additions and improvements, by Charles Wilkins (London, 1806-1810), I, p. xcv. Martin had his own foundry in Duke St.} Matrices struck from the punches of CW4 still exist, and are now housed in the India Office Library together with drawings of Modi characters, matrices, and assorted punches.\fn{140}{See Lloyd, `Charles Wilkins', p. 39, and Fiona Ross and Graham Shaw, \emph{A Specimen of Bengali and Modi Types} (Andoversford, 1987).} + +The discovery of this collection at the India Office Library provided the unique opportunity of casting types from the matrices in order to print from them for diff --git a/src/pages/p0078.tex b/src/pages/p0078.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d0cef5b --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0078.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 78 — printed page 76 — Chapter 1 (cont.) +\origpage{76}the purpose of this research.\fn{141}{The types were cast with great skill by Don Turner. The full results of which are being published separately.} Galley proofs\fn{142}{See pl. 27.} taken of these types reveal the typeface to correspond to the fourth fount of Bengali types ascribed to Charles Wilkins, CW4, which was used to print \emph{inter alia} Graves Chamney Haughton's \emph{Rudiments of Bengali Grammar} (London 1821). It was from this imprint that a text was chosen, followed by a fount synopsis,\fn{143}{Arranged according to the case lays, not `alphabetically'; see pl. 28.} to produce a specimen of the newly-cast types. + +No true facsimile of Haughton's original text could be made, since any peculiarities due to each matrix were unknown before the types were cast at the Oxford University Press. Consequently, the reduced forms of certain characters were cast on the same body-size as the rest of the types, as were any subscripts and superscripts. Thus it was not possible to reproduce conjuncts made up of two reduced elements, nor correctly position `floating' signs. In Wilkins's system of composition a `floating' vowel sign is cast on a separate piece of metal, normally a quarter or a third of the body height, and positioned over, or under, the character it affects; typeforms designed to kern with another character require painstaking and skilful filing in order to produce the desired results; and dots and connecting strokes are removed from some types to create other forms. + +Furthermore, the India Office Library collection of matrices does not contain all the characters employed in Haughton's text. The fount synopsis also shows some numerals to be missing. Nonetheless, the exercise of composing the specimen confirms the assumptions made with regard to Wilkins's method of composition devised for the \emph{Grammar;}\fn{144}{See above, p. 50 ff.} a method he subsequently adhered to, and which was emulated by successors in this field. The type specimen unequivocally demonstrates the common origin of both CW4 and the newly-cast diff --git a/src/pages/p0079.tex b/src/pages/p0079.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..09b55aa --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0079.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 79 — printed page 77 — plate 27 +\plateop{77}{27}{plates/p0079.png}{A galley proof of types cast from the Bengali matrices of the IOL Wilkins collection} diff --git a/src/pages/p0080.tex b/src/pages/p0080.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..68c6d78 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0080.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 80 — printed page 78 — plate 28 +\plateop{78}{28}{plates/p0080.png}{\emph{Specimen of Bengali and Modi Types} (London, 1981) cast from matrices of the IOL Wilkins collection} diff --git a/src/pages/p0081.tex b/src/pages/p0081.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0265f88 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0081.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 81 — printed page 79 — Chapter 1 (cont.) +\origpage{79}types. It cannot be said that the matrices found in the India Office Library are those which produced the types for Haughton's \emph{Rudiments of Bengali Grammar,} although the same punches must have created both founts of type;\fn{145}{With their original wrappers intact, the India Office Library matrices have the appearance of a reserve set; see pl. 29.} and some of these punches originated from Wilkins's third Bengali fount. + +In spite of sharing some punches with its precursor, CW4 is intrinsically different from any previous fount produced by Wilkins and his associates. The number of sorts has been extended in order to reduce the frequent occurrence of conjuncts made up from two types. This has resulted in the design of conjuncts as integral characters which do not suffer distortion from being created out of common components. The compound characters which benefit from this development are those that appear on page 4 of Haughton's \emph{Rudiments of Bengali Grammar},\fn{146}{See pls. 30 and 31.} and those whose second element is the lettershape \ig{plates/inline/p0081-w01.png} , usually termed \emph{raphalā}. In some cases, the second element may appear identical from one conjunct to another, but it is the skill of the designer that creates this optical illusion. In this manner, all characters possessing the stroke \ig{plates/inline/p0081-w02.png} now appear balanced and add to the homogeneity of the character set.\fn{147}{See pl. 32.} The conjuncts thus designed are no longer larger than the basic characters of the syllabary and therefore do not obtrude and break up words in which they occur. This feature has also enabled the designer to reduce the height of the typeface, since large discrepancies in the depth of the letterforms do not persist and, unlike CW3, clumsy combinations are obviated. + +CW4 distinguishes itself from its precursor in other ways: the alignment of characters has greatly improved; the vertical mainstroke of some lettershapes has at times been shortened; the shape of the vowel sign \ig{plates/inline/p0081-w03.png} and letterform \ig{plates/inline/p0081-w04.png} have diff --git a/src/pages/p0082.tex b/src/pages/p0082.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..38f5e20 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0082.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 82 — printed page 80 — plate 29 (photographic plate) +\plateop{80}{29}{plates/p0082.png}{The IOL Wilkins collection} diff --git a/src/pages/p0083.tex b/src/pages/p0083.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..37e1534 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0083.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 83 — printed page 81 — plate 30 +\plateop{81}{30}{plates/p0083.png}{Fourth fount of Bengali types produced by Wilkins (CW4); Graves Chamney Haughton, \emph{Rudiments of Bengali Grammar,} (London, 1821)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0084.tex b/src/pages/p0084.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6b6dce9 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0084.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 84 — printed page 82 — plate 31 +\plateop{82}{31}{plates/p0084.png}{CW4: `Compound Letters', Haughton, \emph{Rudiments of Bengali Grammar}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0085.tex b/src/pages/p0085.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9bf387e --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0085.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 85 — printed page 83 — plate 32 +\plateop{83}{32}{plates/p0085.png}{CW4: Bengali text; Haughton, \emph{Rudiments of Bengali Grammar}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0086.tex b/src/pages/p0086.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..00014c9 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0086.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 86 — printed page 84 — Chapter 1 (cont.); continues across plates 29–32 +\noindent\origpage{84}been completely revised. The anomalous form of \ig{plates/inline/p0086-x01.png} in the previous fount has been expanded, and the stroke weight in this typeface is more consistent, particularly with regard to the flared vertical strokes. The intercharacter spacing has been opened up, as have the counters of \ig{plates/inline/p0086-x02.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0086-x03.png} , and similar sorts, thereby diminishing the condensed appearance of CW3. The thickness of the headline also appears to have been reduced, but this may be the result of lighter inking of the imprints inspected. Some of the inherent liveliness of Wilkins's first Bengali fount has returned to CW4, which can be described as a legible and elegant typeface. + +Wilkins's ability as an engraver has been demonstrated in Halhed's \emph{Grammar} by the reproduction of a hand-written petition.\fn{148}{See above, pl. 23, see also pls. 33 and 34 of Devanagari characters; yet Wilkins maintained they were `designed by a mere amateur in the art of writing'; Wilkins, \emph{Grammar of the Sanskrita Language,} p. xiv.} Haughton's \emph{Rudiments of Bengali Grammar} also dispels any doubts of Wilkins's putative skills as a letterer. Three of the four plates in the 1821 grammar were designed by Wilkins,\fn{149}{Presumably after Shepherd's death (see pl. 36), although the characters designed by J.H. Patton shows [\emph{sic}] greater skill (see pl. 35). These plates were reproduced by Stephen Austin in Duncan Forbes's \emph{Grammar of the Bengālī Language} (London, 1861).} whose skill and knowledge of Bengali letterforms had undoubtedly increased since his first attempts at Bengali typography. These plates engraved by J. Swaine bear, for the most part, the style of lettering that Wilkins strove to imitate in metal, rather than the cursive lettering penned in documents of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. + +As already stated, the exact measure of Wilkins's involvement in the production of any of the Bengali founts ascribed to him is unknown. Despite the numerous laudatory remarks regarding Wilkins's typographic successes, scant information is available on the actual procedures he employed to manufacture the founts. It must be assumed that he was aided in his typographic activities, which by no diff --git a/src/pages/p0087.tex b/src/pages/p0087.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b0701c4 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0087.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 87 — printed page 85 — plate 33 +\plateop{85}{33}{plates/p0087.png}{Engraving of `The Elements of the Devanagari Character' drawn by Charles Wilkins; C. Wilkins, \emph{A Grammar of the Sanskrita Language} (London, 1808)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0088.tex b/src/pages/p0088.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4443288 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0088.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 88 — printed page 86 — plate 34 +\plateop{86}{34}{plates/p0088.png}{Engraving of Devanagari `Compound Consonants' drawn by Charles Wilkins; Wilkins, \emph{Grammar of the Sanskrita Language}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0089.tex b/src/pages/p0089.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8e5d058 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0089.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 89 — printed page 87 — plate 35 +\plateop{87}{35}{plates/p0089.png}{Engraving of `The Bengali Alphabet' drawn by Charles Wilkins; Haughton, \emph{Rudiments of Bengali Grammar}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0090.tex b/src/pages/p0090.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2d3c21a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0090.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 90 — printed page 88 — plate 36 +\plateop{88}{36}{plates/p0090.png}{Engraving of Bengali `Compound Consonants' drawn by J.H. Patton; Haughton, \emph{Rudiments of Bengali Grammar}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0091.tex b/src/pages/p0091.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ab25927 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0091.tex @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +% PDF page 91 — printed page 89 — Chapter 1, last page; continues across plates 35–36 +% the Bengali phrase from Halhed's title page is specimen material: cut with crop_inline +\noindent\origpage{89}means detracts from his achievements.\fn{150}{e.g. He was the first European to translate the \emph{Bhagavadgītā;} he was a pioneer in Indian epigraphy. In recognition of his literary achievements, he was elected FRS in 1788. He was also created DCL Oxon in 1805, awarded the `princeps litteraturae Sanscritae' medal by the Royal Society of Literature in 1825, knighted in 1833, and he was also an associate of the Institute of France; \emph{Dictionary of National Biography}, LXI, ed. Sidney Lee (London, 1900), p. 260 [entry compiled by Cecil Bendall].} Wilkins's types, unlike Caxton's, were not originally intended to supply the indigenous population with vernacular imprints. Halhed's \emph{Grammar} was `\ig{plates/inline/p0091-y01.png}':\fn{151}{Meaning, `for the benefit of the foreigner'; Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, title page.} Wilkins's brief being to design types for teaching foreigners to read Bengali - a language of which he had merely a rudimentary knowledge. Subsequent imprints in the Bengali script bear witness to the importance of \emph{A Grammar of the Bengal Language} in terms of Bengali typefounding history; the forms assumed by the Bengali phonemes in this imprint determined the shapes of successive fonts and created the basis for the evolution of the printed Bengali character. diff --git a/src/pages/p0092.tex b/src/pages/p0092.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ced549d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0092.tex @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +% PDF page 92 — printed page 90 — Chapter 2 begins; note numbering restarts at 1 +\chapnum{Chapter 2}{The Chronicle Press} +\origpage{90}In the context of Bengali typefounding history, the importance of the types initially designed for Halhed's \emph{Grammar} is incontrovertible. These Bengali letterforms successfully cast in metal for the first time even adumbrate the Bengali character shapes emerging from typefoundries a full century later. Due to a variety of factors, little recourse was made to current Bengali chirography in the production of Bengali typefaces subsequent to CW1: their mainly European designers preferred to imitate Wilkins's first fount with regard to its design as well as its composition. The imprints of the Chronicle Press in Calcutta were the first to demonstrate the legacy of Wilkins's initial typographic venture in the Bengali script. + +Prior to setting up the Chronicle Press (1786-1797) for the publication of the \emph{Calcutta Chronicle,} Daniel Stuart and Joseph Cooper were employed for a short time at the Honourable Company's Press\fn{1}{Until January 1786.} in printing the \emph{Calcutta Gazette}. Their departure resulted in the establishment of their own letterfoundry where they proceeded to cast types, including Bengali,\fn{2}{\emph{Calcutta Chronicle,} 12 Apr 1787 (II, 64, 2).} for their own use as well as apparently supplying other printers.\fn{3}{See below, pp. 95 and 101.} The earliest known extant imprint featuring their Bengali fount (to be termed CP1) was not published until 1793;\fn{4}{Advertisements employing the Bengali types had appeared in the \emph{Calcutta Chronicle} prior to this, e.g. 26 Apr 1787 (II, 61, 4), and 1 Jan 1789 (III, 154, 4).} several years after Stuart's return to England,\fn{5}{In 1788/89 following the dissolution of their partnership in October 1788; \emph{Calcutta Chronicle}, 27 Nov 1788 (III, 149, 3).} and about one year after Cooper had been forced to relinquish his share of the \emph{Calcutta Chronicle,} the foundry, and types.\fn{6}{\emph{The World}, Saturday 7 July 1792. Here Cooper also advertised that he had established another foundry and had begun casting Bengali types of a smaller size than CP1.} Advertisements regarding its publication, however, had appeared in the diff --git a/src/pages/p0093.tex b/src/pages/p0093.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..aa40caa --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0093.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 93 — printed page 91 — Chapter 2 (cont.) +\origpage{91}\emph{Calcutta Chronicle} some five years earlier.\fn{7}{\emph{Calcutta Chronicle,} 24 Apr 1788 (III, 118, 2), and 1 Jan 1789 (III, 154, 4). It was advertised as `just published' in the \emph{Calcutta Chronicle} on 16 Apr 1793, (VIII, 378, 3).} The precise authorship of this imprint, \emph{Iṅgrājī o Bāṅgāli Vokebilāri},\fn{8}{\emph{Iṅgrājī o Bāṅgāli Vokebilāri, An Extensive Vocabulary, Bengalese and English} (Calcutta, 1793). See pls. 37 and 38.} is unknown, but it may be attributable to Anthony de Souza in preference to Aaron Upjohn, the one time co-printer of the \emph{Calcutta Chronicle}.\fn{9}{See Shaw, \emph{Printing in Calcutta}, pp. 158-9. There is also some doubt as to who was the printer of this work; see Shaw, ibid., p. 159.} + +The Bengali types with which the \emph{Vocabulary} was set are remarkably similar to CW1, particularly in comparison to the contemporary Bengali cursive script. The letterforms of CP1 appear to have been modelled on the earlier fount which possesses the same relative proportions of character height to character width and counter size. None of the character shapes have been altered radically, although there are indeed variations. The height of \ig{plates/inline/p0093-z01.png} , for instance, has been reduced so as to align it with other characters bearing no headline.\fn{10}{Compare pls. 16 and 38.} \ig{plates/inline/p0093-z02.png} has generally been improved, for the angle of its lower counter is more in keeping with the diagonal stress of the typeface. \ig{plates/inline/p0093-z03.png} still collects a great deal of colour and has a less graceful finial, whilst \ig{plates/inline/p0093-z04.png} does not gain at all from the opening out of its counter. On the other hand, \ig{plates/inline/p0093-z05.png} , a character with which the designer of CW1 evidently had difficulty,\fn{11}{See chapter 1.} receives an altogether new approach: its terminal stroke behaves rather like an Arabic descender.\fn{12}{e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0093-z08.png} .} The limitation of the vowel signs to merely one form in the case of \ig{plates/inline/p0093-z06.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0093-z07.png} reveals either an oversight on the part of the Chronicle Press regarding the typesetting requirements for Bengali, or a desire to reduce the number of sorts in the fount. diff --git a/src/pages/p0094.tex b/src/pages/p0094.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e2a33ba --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0094.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 94 — printed page 92 — plate 37 +\plateop{92}{37}{plates/p0094.png}{Bengali types of the Chronicle Press (CP1); \emph{Iṅgrājī o Bāṅgālī Vokebilāri} (Calcutta, 1793)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0095.tex b/src/pages/p0095.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b6291e9 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0095.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 95 — printed page 93 — plate 38 +\plateop{93}{38}{plates/p0095.png}{CP1; \emph{Iṅgrājī o Bāṅgāli Vokebilāri}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0096.tex b/src/pages/p0096.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..69dbdb5 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0096.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 96 — printed page 94 — Chapter 2 (cont.) +\origpage{94}Deviations in the design of CP1 from CW1 can be regarded neither as innovatory nor, on the whole, as beneficial. The most dramatic and pervasive deviation of CP1 from its precursor is the alteration in weight distribution. The thick downstrokes, which characterize CW1 and lend it a calligraphic quality, have not been emulated by the Chronicle Press. The reasons underlying the adoption of a more monolinear approach to the script are not clear and may not have been strictly intentional. The punchcutter may simply have been less adept at the task, or had poor artwork\fn{13}{Which may have been proofs of CW1.} upon which to model the typeforms. Nevertheless a comparison of plates 20 and 37 reveals that a shift in the distribution of weight necessarily alters the stress and colour of the typeface. + +The question remains as to why the Chronicle Press and manufacturers of subsequent Bengali founts chose to imitate existing designs rather than initiate their own. Stuart and Cooper during their time at the Honourable Company's Press would have become acquainted not only with the character shapes of CW1 but also with the method for its composition; the method that was fundamental to the successful employment of such a relatively small fount of types\fn{14}{c. 170 sorts; see above, chapter 1.} to generate all the requisite Bengali letterforms. Hence the founders of the Chronicle Press would have been aware of the main feature of Wilkins's composing technique: that of using subscribed consonants, \emph{phalās,} to create conjuncts. Furthermore, any complexities, such as the `floating' of the subscript vowel signs, the \emph{repha,} the \emph{raphalā,} and the \emph{candrabindu,} in conjunction with the interlinear spacing\fn{15}{i.e. leading; see below, chapter 8.} this demanded, had already been resolved successfully by Wilkins. + +Wilkins's first Bengali fount could therefore be imitated in steel with greater facility than the running hand of the Bengali scrivener, which was not readily diff --git a/src/pages/p0097.tex b/src/pages/p0097.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..85c7f73 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0097.tex @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +% PDF page 97 — printed page 95 — Chapter 2 (cont.) +% the original spells the name `Pancanana' here, without diacritics; kept as printed +\origpage{95}comprehensible to non-native speakers like Stuart and Cooper. Moreover, CW1 had by this time gained acceptability both for composing grammars and printing documents, perhaps due to the lack of a suitable alternative.\fn{16}{See Halhed, \emph{Grammar,} p. xxiii.} Since its design was credited to Charles Wilkins, who was fast becoming an eminent orientalist, it seems inevitable that CW1 should have become the prototype Bengali fount to be copied by other European typefounders in India.\fn{17}{The pattern of imitation rather than innovation is repeated throughout the history of Latin and non-Latin types; see below, chapters 6, 9 and 10.} It has been suggested that Pancanana was employed in casting the types for the Chronicle Press.\fn{18}{By Khan (\emph{Printing in Bengali Characters}, I, p. 365), but he gives no evidence to support his claim. Pancanana was unlikely to have influenced the design, see above, chapter 1 and below, chapter 3.} If this was the case, he too, presumably, would have advocated employing the same methods for casting and setting Bengali as he had known whilst working for Wilkins, which prescribed a similar character set to that cast for Halhed's \emph{Grammar}. + +A typeface which has been described as an imitation of CW3\fn{19}{Khan, Ibid., p. 377.} is that allegedly designed by John Miller for \emph{The Tutor}\fn{20}{John Miller, \emph{The Tutor, or a New English and Bengali Work, Well Adapted to Teach the Natives English} (Calcutta, 1797); see pls. 39-41.} and subsequently employed to print Forster's \emph{Vocabulary}\fn{21}{Henry Pitts Forster, \emph{A Vocabulary in Two Parts, English and Bungalee, and Vice Versa} (Calcutta, Pt I 1799, Pt II 1802); see pls. 42 and 43.} at the press of Ferris and Co. of Calcutta. Close examination of this typeface reveals it to be identical to that produced by the Chronicle Press. Any apparent discrepancies in style from CP1 are, in fact, peculiar to the imprints themselves, rather than to the actual fount, and are probably attributable to differences in the quality of printing, paper, or casting. There is no evidence that Cooper supplied other printers with this fount of Bengali types, or other foundries with the matrices, but it would not have been diff --git a/src/pages/p0098.tex b/src/pages/p0098.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..16c8500 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0098.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 98 — printed page 96 — plate 39 +\plateop{96}{39}{plates/p0098.png}{Bengali/English title page; John Miller, \emph{The Tutor, or a New English and Bengalee Work, Well Adapted to Teach the Natives English} (Calcutta, 1797)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0099.tex b/src/pages/p0099.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..54ebff3 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0099.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 99 — printed page 97 — plate 40 +\plateop{97}{40}{plates/p0099.png}{Bengali transcription of the English alphabet; Miller, \emph{The Tutor}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0100.tex b/src/pages/p0100.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ee99ec0 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0100.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 100 — printed page 98 — plate 41 +\plateop{98}{41}{plates/p0100.png}{Bengali text from \emph{The Tutor}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0101.tex b/src/pages/p0101.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b04e971 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0101.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 101 — printed page 99 — plate 42 +\plateop{99}{42}{plates/p0101.png}{CP1: H.P. Forster, \emph{A Vocabulary in Two Parts, English and Bungalee} \ldots, 1 (Calcutta, 1799)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0102.tex b/src/pages/p0102.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7f4937d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0102.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 102 — printed page 100 — plate 43 +\plateop{100}{43}{plates/p0102.png}{Forster, \emph{Vocabulary}, first entry.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0103.tex b/src/pages/p0103.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..15fb49a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0103.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 103 — printed page 101 — Chapter 2 (cont.); ends the chapter +\origpage{101}unusual for a typefounder to do so, particularly for one such as Cooper who was experiencing financial difficulties. + +The activities of the Chronicle Press contributed to the establishment of CW1 as the blueprint for future Bengali typefounding enterprises, which continued to remain in the hands of Europeans for a considerable period of time.\fn{22}{See below, chapter 7.} Through its imprints, CW1 was confirmed as the prototype Bengali fount, creating a precedent to be emulated, remodelled, rescaled, and otherwise improved upon without the cumbersome necessity of deciphering indigenous manuscripts. The standard of typography set by Wilkins, which in effect found European solutions to the typographic problems posed by Indian writing systems,\fn{23}{This is discussed in greater detail in chapters 7 and 8.} became the norm and remained essentially unchallenged until the twentieth century. diff --git a/src/pages/p0104.tex b/src/pages/p0104.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c4a6915 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0104.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 104 — printed page 102 — Chapter 3 begins; notes restart at 1 +\chapnum{Chapter 3}{Missionaries in Bengal} +\subchap{3.i. The Serampore Mission Press.} +\origpage{102}The largest contribution to the development of Bengali vernacular typography during the nineteenth century was made, albeit unintentionally, by the missionary bodies who were active in India during this period. In biographies and histories relating their typographic achievements, William Carey has consistently received undue prominence. Paradoxically, however, there is some justification for Carey to appropriate Charles Wilkins's epithet of `India's Caxton',\fn{1}{See above, chapter 1, p. 31.} for the following statement concerning William Caxton is equally descriptive of the missionary: + +\begin{extract} +But with him printing was not the sole aim; and this explains in part why his printing was not so remarkable as his reputation might lead us to expect. He was a great Englishman, and among his many activities, was a printer. But he was not, from a technical point of view, a great printer.\fn{2}{Daniel Berkeley Updike, \emph{Printing Types, Their History Forms and Use,} 2nd edn (London, 1937), I, p. 113.} +\end{extract} + +According to Steinberg, `Caxton's real importance lies in the fact that among the 90-odd books printed by him, 74 were books in English.\fn{3}{Rather than Latin.} Some 20 of them were in the publisher's own translations which, together with the prologues and epilogues which he contributed to his other publications, secure Caxton a lasting place in the history of English prose writing'.\fn{4}{S.H. Steinberg, \emph{Five Hundred Years of Printing}, new edn (London, 1959), p. 74.} Similarly, William Carey's persistent efforts\fn{5}{Supported by equally zealous colleagues and assistants.} to see the Scriptures, religious tracts, and other prose works composed in the Indian vernacular languages and printed in their own characters diff --git a/src/pages/p0105.tex b/src/pages/p0105.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c35e7fb --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0105.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 105 — printed page 103 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +\origpage{103}for the ultimate purpose of `the Conversion of the Heathen'\fn{6}{William Carey, \emph{An Enquiry into the Obligations of Christians, to Use Means for the Conversion of the Heathens in which the Religious State of the Different Nations of the World, the Success of Former Undertakings, and the Practicability of Further Undertakings, are Considered} (Leicester, 1792), p. 14.} to Christianity, form a significant landmark in the history of Indian printing and literature. Numerous Indian languages and scripts previously neglected by the Honourable Company's Press and other presses attained printed form for the first time at the hands of the missionaries. During the years 1800 to 1838 the Serampore Mission Press unwittingly determined the standard of typography for many Indian scripts which was to last for a considerable period of time.\fn{7}{Until the advent of mechanical typesetting in the mid-twentieth century.} + +Under the auspices of the Particular Baptist Society for Propagating the Gospel Among the Heathen, William Carey (1761-1834), cobbler, schoolteacher, preacher, and author of the now-called `Charter of Modern Missions',\fn{8}{Properly entitled as n. 6.} sailed for India on 12 June 1793 in the company of John Thomas (1757-1801)\fn{9}{An ex-East India Company surgeon; see C.B. Lewis, \emph{The Life of John Thomas} (London, 1873).} and their respective families. It was during the voyage of some five months that Carey began to learn Bengali from Thomas who by his own account could `\emph{converse} freely'\fn{10}{\emph{Periodical Accounts Relative to the Baptist Missionary Society} (Clipstone, 1800 [1792]), I, no. I, p. 31.} in that language. Thomas's work of rendering `Matthew, Mark, James, some part of Genesis, and the Psalms, with different parts of the prophecies, in Bengali manuscript'\fn{11}{Ibid., p. 21. Later re-worked by Carey, although imperfectly.} inspired Carey to continue with the translation of the Bible into Bengali and other languages of the Indian subcontinent. The first \emph{Memoir Relative to the Translations of the Sacred Scriptures} records: diff --git a/src/pages/p0106.tex b/src/pages/p0106.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..abfd6e7 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0106.tex @@ -0,0 +1,9 @@ +% PDF page 106 — printed page 104 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +% `activites' carries a handwritten `i' over a caret; adopted (logged in QUESTIONS.md) +\origpage{104}\begin{extract} +Justice to the memory of our deceased brother, Mr \emph{John Thomas,} requires us to mention, that the idea originated with him; and that, though more particularly calculated for other parts of Missionary labours, he had actually translated Matthew and James before Mr Carey's arrival.\fn{12}{\emph{Memoir Relative to the Translations of the Sacred Scriptures} (Dunstable, 1808), p. 5, n. 1.} +\end{extract} + +Since the prime objective of the Baptist Missionaries amounted to the Christianization of India, the means of realizing this vocation necessarily comprised the learning of the vernacular languages and the printing of the Scriptures in their characters. To this end, Carey employed Rāma Rāma Vasu as his tutor upon arrival in India:\fn{13}{`Brother Carey pays Moonshi twenty rupees per month, which takes almost half his income'; \emph{Periodical Accounts}, I, no. I, p. 79.} the \emph{munśī} who had worked with Thomas on the translations and had composed the Bengal hymn sent to the Baptist Missionary Society by Thomas in 1793.\fn{14}{\emph{Periodical Accounts,} ibid., pp. 82-83.} Rāma Rāma Vasu worked with William Carey until 1796, when he was discharged for adultery.\fn{15}{Carey to Pearce, Madnabati, 19 Nov 1796; \emph{Periodical Accounts,} IV, no. I, p. 325, and Carey to Mr N--, London, Madnabati, 16 December 1796; \emph{Periodical Accounts,} ibid., p. 342. According to Potts, he was dismissed for procuring an abortion; E. Daniel Potts, \emph{British Baptist Missionaries in India, 1793-1837} (Cambridge, 1967), p. 82, n. 1.} He was later re-employed at the College of Fort William by Carey, but he left shortly after this appointment. + +The hostile attitude of the East India Company towards missionaries, and the necessity for discovering a means of self-support along the lines of the Moravian missionaries,\fn{16}{Which gave rise to dissent from the London Baptist Society.} prevented the two families from remaining in Calcutta. Eventually, in 1794, Thomas and Carey accepted posts offered to them by George Udny of superintending indigo factories in the Malda district. The seasonal nature of indigo farming allowed the Brothers time for their missionary activities and studies. Alongside preaching, work continued on the translation of the Scriptures into Bengali, and investigations were made into the practicalities diff --git a/src/pages/p0107.tex b/src/pages/p0107.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6c67edd --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0107.tex @@ -0,0 +1,15 @@ +% PDF page 107 — printed page 105 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +% `favour of' is handwritten into a typed gap; adopted (logged in QUESTIONS.md) +\origpage{105}of reproducing the work in print. In 1793 Thomas had written: `I should be very happy to see a Bengal bible in any degree of forewardness before I die, and have been talking with a printer to-day (in whose hands are the Bengal types which are used here) on the expence [\emph{sic}] of such a work'.\fn{17}{\emph{Periodical Accounts,} I, no. I, p. 79.} The cost of printing with existing types was later estimated as some ten times greater than what it would have been in England.\fn{18}{Carey to the Society for Spreading the Gospel Among the Heathen, Madnabati, 13 Aug 1795; Eustace Carey, \emph{Memoir of William Carey, D.D.} (London, 1836), p. 239. Graham Shaw considers this rather excessive; \emph{Printing in Calcutta to 1800}, p. 24.} In 1795, however, Carey felt that the cost was justified: + +\begin{extract} +This will, however, be much more than compensated by the reflection, that we have put into the hands of many heathens a treasure greater than that of diamonds, and, by multiplying copies, made a probability of those scriptures being preserved in the Bengal tongue.\fn{19}{Carey to the Society, Madnabati 13 Aug 1795; E. Carey, \emph{Memoir of William Carey,} p. 239.} +\end{extract} + +A letter from William Carey to Andrew Fuller,\fn{20}{Secretary to the BMS.} dated 16 November 1796, shows a reversal of this decision in favour of having the punches cut and the types cast in England by Caslon at a total cost of \pounds500.\fn{21}{Carey to Fuller, Madnabati 16 Nov 1796; E. Carey, \emph{Memoir of William Carey}, p. 277.} Carey felt that 600 characters would be required: + +\begin{extract} +Mr T. has had letters written near two years for types, by a native, a very good writer; but they require examining, which are proper for types to be cast to. He has not done that in all this time, and is so backward, I fear he never will. He talks of making all the letters himself, but I fear it will never be done. I will try to get those written by the native, and send them, if he will part with them.\fn{22}{E. Carey, ibid.} +\end{extract} + +Another entry in Carey's journal indicates his appreciation of the skill and difficulty involved in preparing specimen letters for typefounding,\fn{23}{See above, chapter 1 regarding the process of typefounding.} realizing that `It is a considerable work, and requires much care and attention'.\fn{24}{E. Carey, \emph{Memoir of William Carey}, p. 227.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0108.tex b/src/pages/p0108.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e9b4f6d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0108.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 108 — printed page 106 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +\origpage{106}The establishment of a letterfoundry in Calcutta at the beginning of 1798\fn{25}{Carey to Fuller, Madnabati, 1 Jan 1798; E. Carey, \emph{Memoir of William Carey,} pp. 318 and 327.} appeared to dispense with the need of sending to England for types. It has been suggested\fn{26}{By M. Siddiq Khan, `William Carey and the Serampore Books, (1800-1834)', \emph{Libri} (1961) II, no 3, p. 216; and by Dinesh Chandra Sen, \emph{History of Bengali Language and Literature} (Calcutta, 1911), p. 851.} that the foundry must have been that set up by Charles Wilkins, at which Pañcānana Karmakāra worked as typefounder.\fn{27}{See above, chapter 1; see also Shaw, \emph{Printing in Calcutta,} p. 33.} However, Wilkins left India in 1786, whereas the letterfoundry mentioned by Carey was clearly established more than one decade later; besides, there is no doubt that the first Bengali fount employed by the Baptist Missionaries was cast by Pancanana who had worked for the Honourable Company's Press. In April 1799 Carey wrote to Ryland:\fn{28}{Dr John Ryland, President of the Bristol Academy and founder member of the Baptist Missionary Society.} + +\begin{extract} +I have succeeded in procuring a sum of money sufficient to get types cast. I have found out a man who can cast them, the person who casts for the Company's press; and I have engaged a printer at Calcutta to superintend the casting. The work is now begun, and I hope may be compleated [\emph{sic}] in less than six months, by which time the copy will be in forwardness to begin upon.\fn{29}{Carey to Ryland, 1 Apr 1799, \emph{Periodical Accounts}, II, no. VII (Clipstone, 1801), p. 24.} +\end{extract} + +That same year George Udny felt compelled to close his indigo works owing to the heavy floods which prohibited the already unprofitable indigo factories from recouping any losses. Thomas had left Udny's employ and `his relation even to the Mission became vague'.\fn{30}{Pearce Carey, \emph{William Carey}, p. 180.} Rāma Rāma Vasu had previously been dismissed, taking the schoolteacher `Mohun Chund' with him, thus leaving William Carey and John Fountain to continue with the translation work.\fn{31}{Carey to Sutcliffe, Madnabati 22 Nov 1796; E. Carey, \emph{Memoir of William Carey,} pp. 282-3. Carey obtained further native assistance which increased; E. Carey, ibid., p. 308.} Despite Fountain's complete unpreparedness for life in Madnabati upon his diff --git a/src/pages/p0109.tex b/src/pages/p0109.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..dce7491 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0109.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 109 — printed page 107 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +\origpage{107}arrival in November 1796, his capacity for quickly picking up the Bengali language enabled them to prepare the Bengali New Testament for printing. + +George Udny also proved to be an invaluable friend who strongly supported the idea of setting up a printing press at Madnabati. In 1795 Carey had requested the Society to send out a press; however, in 1797 he informed Fuller of their intention to construct their own press: `Mr Powell \ldots\ is now going to undertake the making of our printing-press'.\fn{32}{BMS Records (IN/13): Carey to Fuller, Madnabati 22 June 1797 (entry of 9 Jan 1798).} Powell began work on the press,\fn{33}{BMS Records (IN/13): Carey to John Sutcliffe, 16 Jan 1798.} but apparently did not complete it because Carey acquired a wooden printing press for the sum of 400 rupees through a newspaper advertisement.\fn{34}{BMS Records (IN/13): Carey to Baptist Society, Hoogly River, 10 Jan 1799.} Udny made a gift of it to the Mission. The press arrived by boat at Madnabati in September 1798, but it never saw professional use, since the Missionaries still lacked Bengali types and an experienced printer. + +The closure of the Madnabati indigo works forced the Brothers to move with their printing press to the Khidipur indigo station purchased by Carey. Their stay there was brief, for in January 1800 the pair moved again; this time to the Danish territory of Serampore to join the eagerly awaited new missionaries who had been refused residence in Malda by the East India Company. Among their number were John Marshman and William Ward;\fn{35}{Also Brunsdon and Grant who, like Fountain, died a few years later, leaving the Trio.} the latter being `the serious printer' whom Carey had requested Fuller to send.\fn{36}{Carey to Fuller, Madnabati 16 Nov 1796; E. Carey, \emph{Memoir of William Carey,} p. 277.} A month later Carey was to reflect, `the setting up the press would have been useless at Mudnabatty [\emph{sic}], without Bro. Ward, and perhaps might have been ruined, if it had been attempted'.\fn{37}{BMS Records (IN/13): Carey to Fuller, Serampore 5 Feb 1800.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0110.tex b/src/pages/p0110.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ef0b82c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0110.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 110 — printed page 108 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +% two handwritten corrections adopted (logged in QUESTIONS.md): a struck `e' in +% typed `Mātiuera' (twice) and `complete' inserted before `Maṅgala Samācāra' +\origpage{108}Shortly after Carey's arrival with the wooden printing press\fn{38}{The Mission later acquired four more modern English-made printing presses.} a printing office was established under William Ward's superintendence and with the assistance of Daniel Brunsdon and Felix Carey.\fn{39}{The latter being William Carey's eldest son.} An entry in Ward's MSS \emph{Journal} on 5 March 1800 related, `This day I have been composing in the office; our first job was a card for ourselves \& the next a bill of Mr Dexters'. Ward recorded that Carey took an impression of the first page of Matthew in Bengali types (Mātiura Racita) on 18 March, and that on 16 May 1800 they were in the process of printing 500 copies of `Matthew to give away immediately'.\fn{40}{BMS Records (IN/18): `William Ward. His own copies of his journal sent to Fuller, 26.1.1800 - 10.8.1800': 18 Mar 1800 and 16 May 1800. Additional copies of Matthew bound with some Old Testament prophecies were printed in August that year.} The printing of the whole of the New Testament, the \emph{Dharma Pustaka; Maṅgala Samācāra,} was finished on 7 February 1801 and bound five days later.\fn{41}{BMS Records (IN/16): Ward to Fuller, 2 Apr 1801.} + +It has not been possible to view the \emph{Maṅgala Samācāra; Mātiura Racita,} but it can be inferred from Ward's \emph{Journal} and the chronology of events at Serampore that the same fount of types was used to compose\fn{42}{And that native Bengali compositors assisted Ward in its composition.} the first Gospel of the New Testament as the whole of this work.\fn{43}{And a number of other works, e.g. Rāma Rāma Vasu's \emph{Rāja Pratāpāditya Caritra} (Serampore, 1801), the `first prose book' (Siddiq Khan, \emph{William Carey}, p. 234); see pl. 44.} This fount comprised the Bengali types cast in Calcutta for William Carey by Pañcānana Karmakāra.\fn{44}{Supplemented by a few `Pholas' cast at Serampore; Leighton and Mornay William, eds., \emph{Serampore Letters \ldots\ 1800-1816} (New York; London, 1892), p. 46.} Copies of the first complete edition of the \emph{Maṅgala Samācāra,} published in 1801 by the Serampore Mission, are held at SOAS and the British Library, thereby enabling an assessment of the typeface to be made. diff --git a/src/pages/p0111.tex b/src/pages/p0111.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..53ae06f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0111.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 111 — printed page 109 — plate 44 (printed sideways in the original) +\plateop{109}{44}{plates/p0111.png}{First Serampore Bengali fount (SB1): \emph{Dharma Pustaka; Maṅgala Samācāra} (Serampore, 1801)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0112.tex b/src/pages/p0112.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..65610c5 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0112.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 112 — printed page 110 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +\origpage{110}It is disappointing to find that in comparison to the earlier founts of Wilkins and the Chronicle Press, the fount of Bengali types first used by the Baptist Missionaries has to be deemed the inferior, both with regard to the design of its letterforms and to its poor alignment.\fn{45}{Presumably not the fault of the experienced printer, but due to deficiencies in matrix making or type casting.} It is predictable that the method of composition differs little from that employed in the production of Halhed's \emph{Grammar of the Bengal Language;} a book with which Carey was well conversant,\fn{46}{As evinced by Carey's \emph{A Grammar of the Bengalee Language} (Serampore, 1801), which strove to emulate the earlier work. See Qayyum, \emph{Critical Study}, chapter IX.} and for which Pañcānana Karmakāra had cast the Bengali types. The range of characters in the first Serampore fount (to be termed SB1) thus corresponds quite closely to Wilkins's first fount of Bengali types: the fount comprising the main characters of the syllabary, vowel signs, selected conjuncts, a number of reduced consonants, modifiers, numerals, and punctuation. + +Although Wilkins's typesetting technique, as used in Halhed's \emph{Grammar,} may have been adopted by the Missionaries, SB1 cannot be said to be modelled on any of Wilkins's founts. The typeface bears the closest resemblance to its contemporary, CW3;\fn{47}{See chapter 1, pl. 25.} but the persistence in preserving the contrast in stroke weight, so adroitly employed in all founts attributed to Wilkins, is detrimental to the overall homogeneity of the first Serampore typeface. This is partly\fn{48}{For it is achieved by the Serampore Missionaries at a later date; see below, pp. 63-64 and pl. 47.} due to the reduced type size of the main characters of the syllabary, the principal \emph{akṣaras,} which renders the stroke contrast only perceptible as unevenness in print quality, and any affinity to pen strokes is lost. These \emph{akṣaras} constitute the most important sorts of the fount, since it is from them that the typeface takes its style owing to their frequency of occurrence. With regard to these, it is evident that the concept of a baseline for Bengali letterforms, which perhaps diff --git a/src/pages/p0113.tex b/src/pages/p0113.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6149292 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0113.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 113 — printed page 111 — Chapter 3 (cont.); SB1 specimens +\origpage{111}first emerged in CW3, has not been adhered to in SB1. In the latter fount, the discrepancy in the finial stroke length of the characters \ig{plates/inline/p0113-a01.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0113-a02.png} \fn{49}{See pls. 44 and 45.} exemplifies this point; as do the vowel signs which are shorter in depth than the main characters of the syllabary. Neither are the proportions of the counters homologous to those of CW3, although some of the problems found in the first fount of Wilkins, viz. the oversized counters of \ig{plates/inline/p0113-a03.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0113-a04.png} and the opacity of \ig{plates/inline/p0113-a05.png} , reappear in this fount completed at Serampore. + +It is curious to find in SB1 inconsistencies in the design of letterforms which have the same basis. In the case of \ig{plates/inline/p0113-a06.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0113-a07.png} , the inexplicably smaller counter of the latter indicates that these characters originate from two quite different sorts where one matrix for both forms would have been expected. Similarly, when \ig{plates/inline/p0113-a08.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0113-a09.png} are set next to each other, the flow of the script is broken; for not only is the latter much shorter in depth, but its finial stroke is at quite a different angle to the former. Other instances can be cited which demonstrate that uniformity in design, i.e. consistency in counter size, stroke length, and so forth, was not an important criterion in the cutting of this typeface. + +With regard to the vowel signs, SB1 also avails itself of initial, medial, and final forms where required. The sign for \ig{plates/inline/p0113-a10.png} has three forms in this fount: \ig{plates/inline/p0113-b01.png} for final position, \ig{plates/inline/p0113-b02.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0113-b03.png} for medial positions.\fn{50}{As in CW1.} Both medial forms are used from the first and in the same context, thus offering no apparent reason for the existence of two sorts. But in the later publications employing SB1, the medial form \ig{plates/inline/p0113-b04.png} is used virtually to the exclusion of \ig{plates/inline/p0113-b05.png} ; which may indicate that the former was a later design . The vowel sign \ig{plates/inline/p0113-b06.png} has two forms: \ig{plates/inline/p0113-b07.png} for initial position, and \ig{plates/inline/p0113-b08.png} for medial position; the latter being surprisingly short. There appears to be only one sort for \ig{plates/inline/p0113-b09.png} , the flourish of which prints quite darkly but whose design is nevertheless superior to that of \ig{plates/inline/p0113-b10.png} . However, the diff --git a/src/pages/p0114.tex b/src/pages/p0114.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8508f1f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0114.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 114 — printed page 112 — plate 45 (printed sideways in the original) +\plateop{112}{45}{plates/p0114.png}{SB1: \emph{Dharma Pustaka; Maṅgala Samācāra}, 2nd edn (Serampore, 1803 [1806])} diff --git a/src/pages/p0115.tex b/src/pages/p0115.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b9351a9 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0115.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 115 — printed page 113 — Chapter 3 (cont.); SB1 specimens +\noindent\origpage{113}flourish of \ig{plates/inline/p0115-c01.png} is barely discernible and at times renders this vowel sign indistinguishable from \ig{plates/inline/p0115-c02.png} . + +At first sight, the vowel sign \ig{plates/inline/p0115-c03.png} gives the impression of possessing two alternative designs, one bearing a higher and shorter curve than the other, presumably in order to prevent clashes with succeeding ascending characters. But this letterform has been designed with a good kern, and slight discrepancies in shape might be due to hand-finishing of the projecting type, or simply normal wear and tear on such kerning types. In this fount, the vowel sign \ig{plates/inline/p0115-c04.png} , which hardly kerns at all, tends to give two impressions, viz. \ig{plates/inline/p0115-c05.png} , and \ig{plates/inline/p0115-c06.png} , but since the bottom of the loop is such a hairline, they may be derived from the same matrix. + +The design of the subscript vowel signs \ig{plates/inline/p0115-c07.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0115-c08.png} are unsatisfactory. They are far removed from the character they affect, as is the \emph{raphalā} \ig{plates/inline/p0115-c09.png} , and therefore necessitate copious leading. Yet the \emph{candrabindu} \ig{plates/inline/p0115-c10.png} fits very neatly over the character it modifies. The form \ig{plates/inline/p0115-c11.png} is also found in this fount, rather than \ig{plates/inline/p0115-c12.png} employed by the Honourable Company's Press.\fn{51}{Both sorts are current in MS form since the \erratum{twelfth}{twelth} century.} + +It is evident from Carey's \emph{Grammar of the Bengalee Language,} that the missionary adopted wholesale Halhed's list of `the most common contractions of letters',\fn{52}{Halhed, \emph{Grammar,} pp. 33-34.} and subscribed to the latter's concept of the term \emph{phalā}.\fn{53}{See also Carey's MS version, `Grammar of the Bengalee Language by William Carey, D.D.', pp. 34-39, preserved at the BMS.} This is borne out by the method of composing conjuncts with this fount. A prescribed number of combined consonants exist in their own right as individual sorts. The remainder are generated in the same manner as all previous Bengali founts; only, in SB1 the breaks are quite visible. diff --git a/src/pages/p0116.tex b/src/pages/p0116.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..110b60b --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0116.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 116 — printed page 114 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +\origpage{114}As mentioned above, some confusion exists over the typefoundry from which this fount originated, yet there is even greater confusion over the means by which Carey succeeded in employing Pañcānana Karmakāra to establish a typefoundry at the Mission itself.\fn{54}{See M.S. Khan, \emph{William Carey}, p. 249; and S.C. Sanial, `Extract from Sambhu Chandra Mukherjee's Note Books in the Secretary's Notes', \emph{Bengal Past and Present}, XIII (July-Dec 1916), p. 140.} For the purpose of this thesis, it is sufficient to know that Pañcānana founded the first fount of Bengali movable metal types used by the Serampore Mission Press. The Mission's first \emph{Memoir Relative to the Translations of the Sacred Scriptures} stated: + +\begin{extract} +Soon after our settling at Serampore, the providence of God brought to us the very artist who had wrought with \emph{Wilkins} in that work, and in a great measure imbibed his ideas. By his assistance we erected a letter foundery; and although he is now dead, he had so fully communicated his art to a number of others that they carry forward the work of type-casting, and even of cutting the matrices, with a degree of accuracy which would not disgrace European artists.\fn{55}{\emph{Memoir Relative to the Translations} (1808), pp. 18-19.} +\end{extract} + +The first major work undertaken by Pañcānana at the Serampore Mission was a fount of Devanagari types required primarily for printing the Sanskrit grammar then in preparation by William Carey: `The fount required seven hundred separate punches of which half had been completed at the beginning of the present year [1803]'.\fn{56}{Marshman, \emph{Carey, Marshman, and Ward}, I, p. 178.} To assist him in this enterprise Pañcānana took on an apprentice of the same caste and trade, Manohara, who was to become his son-in-law and eventually his successor as the master typefounder at the Mission.\fn{57}{Manohara was to work at the typefoundry for over 40 years.} + +Whilst cutting the Devanagari punches, Pañcānana is said\fn{58}{Marshman, \emph{Carey, Marshman and Ward}, I, p. 178.} to have completed another fount of Bengali types of reduced size and greater elegance than that used for the first edition of the \emph{Maṅgala Samācāra} (New Testament in diff --git a/src/pages/p0117.tex b/src/pages/p0117.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..975e2e5 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0117.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 117 — printed page 115 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +\origpage{115}Bengali). Apparently this new fount was employed for printing the second edition of this work.\fn{59}{Khan, \emph{Printing in Bengali \erratum{Characters}{Charaters}}, I, p. 379.} There is no doubt that upon completion of the Devanagari fount, the typefoundry at Serampore prepared a new fount of Bengali types whose smaller type size would enable the Mission Press to produce Bengali translations of the Scriptures at a quarter of their original size without impairing legibility.\fn{60}{\emph{Memoir Relative to the Translations} (1808), p. 19.} A study of the second edition of the \emph{Dharma Pustaka, Maṅgala Samācāra} (1803 [1806]) however, does not reveal the introduction of such a fount but the continuing use of SB1. This edition, whose publication pre-dates the \emph{Memoir} recording the work on a smaller type size, certainly differs from the original version produced at Serampore, but this is largely due to the reduction in the size of the paper and improvements in translation and orthography. Furthermore, the entire work has clearly been reset, since the interword spacing has been altered. Some conjunct forms have been changed, notably \ig{plates/inline/p0117-d01.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0117-d02.png} , but this does not constitute a new design. + +A `new fount of Bengali types' is said to have been cut by Manohara Karmakara in 1810. According to M.H. Khan, this typeface was used to print five poetical tracts by John Chamberlain allegedly held at the Baptist Missionary Society in London. Khan lists these works as: `Cautriśā', `Maṅgala samācāra [A poetical work on Christianity \ldots]', `Dharmapustakera nāmera Uttara Pratyūttara', `Manera Cetanā', and `Uttara pratyūttara Vālakera kārana'.\fn{61}{Khan, \emph{Printing in Bengali Characters}, I, pp. 379-380 and II, pp. 466 and 467.} Repeated searches of the BMS archives have failed to trace these imprints. Moreover, from Khan's information alone, it seems very doubtful that this fount was produced by the Serampore typefoundry. The design of the letterforms illustrated by Khan\fn{62}{Khan, ibid., II, p. 818.} displays little affinity to the Mission's founts of that period, but shows a closer relationship to the products of the indigenous diff --git a/src/pages/p0118.tex b/src/pages/p0118.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d67ad10 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0118.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 118 — printed page 116 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +\origpage{116}typefoundries.\fn{63}{See below, chapter 7.} Furthermore, these imprints do not bear the hallmarks of the Serampore Mission Press: (according to Khan) not one has a title page; three lack the name of the printer, and the place and date of the printing; and two make use of a colophon\fn{64}{But it is not stated if the colophons give any information apart from the title of the work.} - a device favoured by native printers but uncharacteristic of Serampore imprints. + +The reliance of the Missionaries on local assistants in translating, composing, casting, and printing in order to fulfil their intention `to evangelize the poor, dark, \qslip{idolotrous} Heathen'\fn{65}{W. Carey, \emph{An Enquiry,} p. 2.} is undisputed. Carey from the first made use of local pundits;\fn{66}{See Quayyum, \emph{Critical Study,} chapter VIII.} and the Serampore Trio continued this practice whenever feasible, even for their proselytizing activities. Daniel Potts writes, `It has been sufficiently verified that most if not all of Serampore's translations, and these made up the \qslip{proponderance} of early translations, were \qslip{intially} made by Indians and then corrected by one or the other of the Trio acting in conjunction or separately'.\fn{67}{Potts, \emph{British Baptist Missionaries,} p. 83.} The publications themselves give little credit to Indian translators, but this did not concern William Carey who received most of the credit himself: + +\begin{extract} +We do not want the vain name of the \emph{Men who have translated the Scriptures into this or that language,} - but we do want the \emph{thing to be done.}\fn{68}{BMS Records (IN/13): Carey to Sutcliffe, 4 May 1808.} +\end{extract} + +Carey's statement epitomizes the prevailing attitude of the Serampore Baptists towards their work in India. Their one objective, `the spread of true religion throughout the East'\fn{69}{\emph{A Memoir of Serampore Translations for 1813} (Kettering, 1813), p. 23.} prompted all their activities. Even the appointment of William Carey as teacher of Bengali\fn{70}{He was later to become Professor of Sanskrit and Marathi.} at Fort William College, in May 1801, was viewed by the Missionaries as a means of funding their missionary diff --git a/src/pages/p0119.tex b/src/pages/p0119.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1a72b68 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0119.tex @@ -0,0 +1,16 @@ +% PDF page 119 — printed page 117 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +\origpage{117}enterprises. In his position at the College,\fn{71}{And in relation to Serampore College itself, founded in 1818.} Carey keenly felt the paucity of teaching aids, for any grammars and vocabularies which had been published had become hard to obtain.\fn{72}{BMS Records (IN/13): Carey to Sutcliffe, 8 April 1801, entry of 13 Apr 1801.} Carey's response was to \erratum{initiate}{intitiate} a programme of composing text books, and compiling grammars and dictionaries. His action made a significant contribution to the development of Bengali literature - a fact of secondary importance to the missionary: + +\begin{extract} +I have been obliged to publish several things and can say that nothing but necessity could have induced me to do it.\fn{73}{CSBC MS letter: no. 12, 17 March 1802; quoted in Qayyum, \emph{Critical Study,} p. 165.} +\end{extract} + +These text books were printed at the Serampore Mission Press, as were a number of works for the Calcutta School Book Society\fn{74}{Founded in 1817.} and the British and Foreign Bible Society\fn{75}{Established in 1804.} (of which Carey was a founder member). The College of Fort William subsidized their publications by buying a hundred copies of each title at the published price. + +Carey was aware of the providential circumstances in which the Missionaries at Serampore found themselves. In a letter to Sutcliffe, dated 4 November 1813, Carey wrote: + +\begin{extract} +Indeed had I not been in a more favourable situation than any other person in the world for commanding the help of learned men who speak these different languages, and are natives of the countries where they are spoken, I could not possibly have succeeded to the extent I have already done.\fn{76}{\emph{Periodical Accounts,} V, no. XXVII (Kettering, 1813), p. 353.} +\end{extract} + +It was this situation which enabled the Missionaries to embark upon their ambitious programme of translating and publishing the Scriptures in over forty diff --git a/src/pages/p0120.tex b/src/pages/p0120.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a45b245 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0120.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 120 — printed page 118 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +\origpage{118}different languages for the sole reason of promulgating their faith.\fn{77}{Marshman, \emph{Carey, Marshman, and Ward,} I, pp. 192 and 193.} Most of the work naturally fell to the printing office under William Ward's superintendence. In December 1811 Ward described the printing office in a letter to his cousin: + +\begin{extract} +As you enter the office, you see your cousin, in a small room \ldots\ looking over the whole office, which is 174 feet long. The next persons you see, are learned natives translating the Scriptures into different languages, or correcting the proof-sheets. You walk through the office, and see laid out in cases \emph{types} in Arabic, Persian, Nagaree, Talinga, Sikh, Bengalee, Mahratta, Chinese, Orissa, Burman, Carnata, Keshemena, Greek, Hebrew, and English. Hindoos, Musselmans, and converted Natives are all busy: Some composing, others distributing, others correcting. You next come to the presses, and see four persons throwing off the sheets of the Bible in different languages; and on the left are half a dozen Musselmans employed in binding the scriptures for distribution \ldots\ [The] \ldots\ Storeroom \ldots\ is 142 feet long \ldots\ [In] \ldots\ a Room adjoining to the office, are the Type-casters, busy in preparing the types in the different Languages.\fn{78}{Ward to Revd W. Fletcher, Serampore 5 Dec 1811; \emph{Baptist Magazine for 1812,} IV, pp. 413-4.} +\end{extract} + +On 11 March the following year it seemed as if the Mission's great plans were to be thwarted: the printing office caught fire destroying all but five\fn{79}{Six, according to some sources.} of the presses, founts of type in fourteen scripts, as well as English founts, cases, chases, and more. The great losses incurred were well recorded by the Missionaries, who also inferred in their writings that the cause of the fire was not above suspicion.\fn{80}{\emph{The Baptist Magazine for 1812,} IV, pp. 414-6 and 492.} Despite the excessive damage, estimated to be at a cost of between nine and ten thousand pounds sterling, a remarkable recovery was achieved. Amongst the remains were the presses and the steel punches for the Indian scripts.\fn{81}{According to Ward, 40000 punches of Indian languages had been spared, which he valued as being equivalent to ten years work; \emph{Periodical Accounts,} V, no. XXIV, pp. 501-2.} The matrices of all the founts were also saved, for they had been stored in a different area; thus type casting could begin the next day from diff --git a/src/pages/p0121.tex b/src/pages/p0121.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..044bdee --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0121.tex @@ -0,0 +1,14 @@ +% PDF page 121 — printed page 119 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +\origpage{119}the three and a half tons of molten metal that had been collected.\fn{82}{\emph{Periodical Accounts,} V, no. XXIII, p. 465. Reports vary as to what was saved: see \emph{Baptist Magazine for 1812}, p. 526; Marshman, \emph{Carey, Marshman and Ward}, I, p. 469; and Diehl, \emph{Indian Imprints}, pp. 48-59.} Furthermore, the recent expiry of a lease on an adjacent warehouse let by the Mission provided suitable premises for establishing a new and larger printing office. The publicity given to the fire at Serampore generated a tremendous response, particularly from Britain, in the form of donations and subscriptions to the extent that the loss was made up in \emph{`two months'}.\fn{83}{Pearce Carey, \emph{William Carey}, p. 291.} The Brethren reckoned on casting a fount or so every fortnight in order that the printing of the scriptures would `not suffer a month's interruption'.\fn{84}{\emph{Periodical Accounts,} V, no. XXIII, p. 467.} Indeed, a year later Carey was able to write to Fuller, + +\begin{extract} +The Mission notwithstanding its heavy losses, has been supported, and we have been enabled, within one year from a very desolating calamity, to carry on printing to a greater extent than before the calamity took place.\fn{85}{BMS Records (IN/13): Carey to Fuller, 25 March 1813.} +\end{extract} + +In Bengali publications subsequent to this event, minor alterations in SB1 can be observed: the conjunct \ig{plates/inline/p0121-e01.png} has been improved. \ig{plates/inline/p0121-e02.png} also joins the vertical stem in a different manner. The most striking change is the introduction of the dot in the character \ig{plates/inline/p0121-e03.png} . In the preface to his \emph{Dictionary of the Bengalee Language,} which employs this fount (SB1R), Carey wrote: + +\begin{extract} +The Bengalee alphabet being defective in one or two instances, such as the want of distinct characters to express b, v, and w, a dot has been inserted in the middle of the letter \ig{plates/inline/p0121-e04.png} when it either has or should have the sound v or w.\fn{86}{William Carey, \emph{A Dictionary of the Bengalee Language} (Serampore, 1815), I, p. x.} +\end{extract} + +Conjuncts formed with this phoneme were also `dotted'.\fn{87}{See pl. 46.} This innovation did not last long, but the practice was continued in the next fount of Bengali types which was to emerge from the Serampore type foundry. diff --git a/src/pages/p0122.tex b/src/pages/p0122.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8278979 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0122.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 122 — printed page 120 — plate 46 +\plateop{120}{46}{plates/p0122.png}{SB1R: \emph{Rājāvali} (Serampore, 1814)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0123.tex b/src/pages/p0123.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..05d078d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0123.tex @@ -0,0 +1,9 @@ +% PDF page 123 — printed page 121 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +\origpage{121}The manufacture of the second Serampore Bengali typeface (SB2) was, in terms of the development of Bengali typography, perhaps the most important product to emerge from the Mission's typefoundry. The plan of reducing the type size of all the existing non-Latin Serampore founts, whilst maintaining clarity of imprint, had been in the minds of the Trio for some time\fn{88}{F.A. Cox, \emph{History of the Baptist Missionary Society from 1792 to 1842} (London, 1842), I, p. 243.} but could only be executed by John Lawson who proved to be an extremely dextrous punchcutter:\fn{89}{Lawson cut the punches for the first fount of movable metal Chinese types.} + +\begin{extract} +It seems an important question, how the greatest number of clear and legible copies can be furnished at the least expense \ldots. A great occasion of expense has hitherto been, the largeness of the oriental types, which is such, that although the low price of labour in Bengal enables us to print the same quantity of letterpress in the Sacred Scriptures cheaper than can be done in any other part of the world, \ldots\ the expense of a whole New Testament amounts to a large sum \ldots. The reducing of the types in size, therefore, so as fully to preserve their legibility, is now under consideration \ldots\ the types thus improved, will greatly exceed in beauty the large types of the first fabrication: and the reduction in respect of quantity will enable us to print on better paper than formerly \ldots. +For the attainment of this object we are endeavouring to avail ourselves of every means with which the Lord has been pleased to furnish us; and we find the skill of our highly-esteemed Brother Lawson in cutting the types, of peculiar value in this work \ldots. \fn{90}{\emph{A Memoir of the Serampore Translations for 1813}, pp. 20-22.} +\end{extract} + +SB2, a fount begun by Lawson, but completed by native artists,\fn{91}{\emph{Periodical Accounts,} VI, no. XXXIII, p. 322.} which was used to print the fourth edition of Carey's \emph{Grammar of the Bengalee Language} (1818) is remarkable for its legibility despite the smallness of its size.\fn{92}{See pl. 47. It is considerably smaller than CW2.} Contrast in stroke weight is still maintained and the weight distribution has been far more successfully handled than in previous Serampore Bengali founts. The typeface displays greater harmony in the design of its letterforms: diff --git a/src/pages/p0124.tex b/src/pages/p0124.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b5c13dd --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0124.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 124 — printed page 122 — plate 47 (printed sideways in the original) +\plateop{122}{47}{plates/p0124.png}{SB2; William Carey, \emph{A Grammar of the Bengalee Language}, 4th edn (Serampore, 1818)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0125.tex b/src/pages/p0125.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..da0e2b8 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0125.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 125 — printed page 123 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +\origpage{123}all the vertical strokes are flared, perhaps too much in the case of \ig{plates/inline/p0125-f01.png} , and the uniformity in the depth of the characters lends a neat appearance to the script. Such alterations signify that SB2 is not merely a reduction of SB1R. Furthermore, the relative proportions of all the sorts have not been retained, for instance \ig{plates/inline/p0125-f02.png} is now comparable in design to \ig{plates/inline/p0125-f03.png} , and its finial has been lengthened. + +The method of composition has not been altered, the \emph{raphalā} is still set separately and some contracted consonants continue to be formed by two sorts. Complex conjunct characters have not suffered from the restricted type size and reproduce exceptionally well in print. On the other hand, the subscript vowel signs appear awkward, being too large in comparison to the rest of the character set. The result is the production of a carefully designed and legible, albeit unexciting, typeface. The cutting of this fount was of great import, revealing \erratum{possibilities}{possibilites} of variation and experimentation in the design of Bengali letterforms previously reserved for Latin types. + +The significance of Lawson's accomplishment was recognized by Ward,\fn{93}{Ward to Sutcliffe, 9 Oct 1813; \emph{Periodical Accounts,} V, no. XXVI, pp. 287-8.} although the Missionaries did perceive that the type size was in reality too small to function satisfactorily as a text typeface: + +\begin{extract} +While these reduced types bring both the Old and the New Testament into a volume so portable and so well suited to the young among the population of Bengal, \ldots\ there are many among those of middle age, as well as those older, who cannot read this small type with pleasure \ldots. For the sake of these, a larger type has been prepared, which, while it presents to the eye a character much larger, will, by reducing the body of the type and economizing the space, increase the number of pages only about a fourth; so that the New Testament in octavo will not exceed four hundred pages, even in this large type.\fn{94}{\emph{Tenth Memoir Respecting the Translations of the Sacred Scriptures into Oriental Languages} (Edinburgh, 1834), pp. 13-14.} +\end{extract} diff --git a/src/pages/p0126.tex b/src/pages/p0126.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..433d107 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0126.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 126 — printed page 124 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +\origpage{124}The Missionaries thus continued their practice of producing new type designs which effectively improved the standards of Bengali typography. Their reluctance to be satisfied with only one fount for each non-Latin script is to their credit, for it set a precedent to be followed by the increasing number of typefoundries established in the Indian subcontinent. + +After 1820 the Serampore Mission produced two additional Bengali text faces worthy of mention.\fn{95}{The imprints of the Serampore Mission Press show the foundry to have produced about nine Bengali founts.} These founts demonstrate the experience their punchcutters had acquired in a period of twenty years. The earlier typeface (SB3), to be found in the 1829 edition of the \emph{Dharma Pustaka} (Holy Bible in Bengali),\fn{96}{See pl. 48.} can be regarded as a step towards designing a fount possessing a suitable type size, both for the sake of economy and legibility, combined with a greater consistency in stroke weight. The face exhibits an attractive diagonal stress which creates a lively effect. The treatment of the `blob' (or rounding) also adds nice points of colour to such characters as \ig{plates/inline/p0126-h01.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0126-h02.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0126-h03.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0126-h04.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0126-h05.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0126-h06.png} . + +Experimentation in design was clearly encouraged, for a modified version of this fount (SB3R) was also used to print works during this period, namely the Bengali \emph{Dharmapustakera Antabhāga} (New Testament) of 1832.\fn{97}{See pl. 49.} The modifications which radically alter the impression of the face are the new form of \ig{plates/inline/p0126-h07.png} and the improved positioning of the \emph{raphalā} and the subscript vowel signs. Other characters have also been refined, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0126-h08.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0126-h09.png} , which result in a considerably more even colour than the first version. The neater appearance, however, is not entirely commendable, for it shows a digression from Bengali calligraphy and the products of indigenous Bengali punchcutters,\fn{98}{See below, chapters 3ii and 7.} thereby conforming rather to European perceptions of good typographic design. diff --git a/src/pages/p0127.tex b/src/pages/p0127.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..653d96e --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0127.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 127 — printed page 125 — plate 48 +\plateop{125}{48}{plates/p0127.png}{SB3: \emph{Dharma Pustaka} (Serampore, 1829)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0128.tex b/src/pages/p0128.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e612bb9 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0128.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 128 — printed page 126 — plate 49 +\plateop{126}{49}{plates/p0128.png}{SB3R: \emph{Dharma Pustaka; Antabhāga} (Serampore, 1832)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0129.tex b/src/pages/p0129.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4d8cfab --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0129.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 129 — printed page 127 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +\origpage{127}The fount employed to print the 1832 \emph{Dharma Pustaka} (Holy Bible in Bengali) (SB4)\fn{99}{See pl. 50.} which reverts to the form \ig{plates/inline/p0129-i01.png} for medial \ig{plates/inline/p0129-i02.png} , reflects the large improvement in typography that the Mission Press had achieved in three decades. This face is smaller than SB3, and has lost its diagonal stress. The design is dominated by the relatively thick headline strokes and the evenness of the baseline,\fn{100}{Which now \erratum{accommodates}{accomodates} the \emph{raphalā} \ig{plates/inline/p0129-i05.png} .} but the thick downstrokes of such characters as \ig{plates/inline/p0129-i03.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0129-i04.png} relieve this effect. The result is a clean, crisp typeface.\fn{101}{The design of this typeface may have been influenced by Vincent Figgins; see below, chapter 5.} + +Other notable products of the Serampore typefoundry were the metal heading types. From the title page of the 1830 edition of the \emph{Rāmāyaṇa,}\fn{102}{See pl. 51.} it can be observed that the Missionaries had abandoned the rather crude titling fount, used in such imprints as the 1801 edition of the \emph{Mahābhārata,} in favour of a more elegant, smaller heading type. This face displays closer affinity to penned Bengali letterforms; and the use of woodcuts for titles in the later imprints reveals a recognition of the distinction between the current written hand and the printed characters created by punchcutters. This distinction was not recognized in \emph{The First Report of the Institution for the Encouragement of the Native Schools in India} produced by the Serampore Mission in 1818: + +\begin{extract} +On Penmanship as a distinct article, there is perhaps less to be said in Bengalee than in most other languages. The printed alphabet has been so recently formed from the written character, that the variations are far less than in those countries where the two characters have been separated for any length of time. The written alphabet indeed had not yet assumed a difference of position; when formed correctly, it is as fully rectangular as the printed character. The indistinctness observable in writing, therefore, arises much more from the carelessness and inaccuracy of the writer, and the corrupt forms of letters introduced, than from any real discrepancy between the printed and the current character: which indistinctness is +% the quotation continues on the next page — closed in p0131.tex diff --git a/src/pages/p0130.tex b/src/pages/p0130.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..72d2e1d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0130.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 130 — printed page 128 — plate 50 +\plateop{128}{50}{plates/p0130.png}{SB4: \emph{Dharma Pustaka} (Serampore, 1832)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0131.tex b/src/pages/p0131.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..efb7051 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0131.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 131 — printed page 129 — plate 51 (printed sideways in the original) +\plateop{129}{51}{plates/p0131.png}{Small Bengali heading type: \emph{Rāmāyaṇa} (Serampore, 1830)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0132.tex b/src/pages/p0132.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3c1a701 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0132.tex @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +% PDF page 132 — printed page 130 — Chapter 3 (cont.); closes the 1818 Report quotation +\origpage{130}increased by the omission of the few diacritic points the alphabet possesses, and not seldom by many words being idly written in \qslip{continous} succession with scarcely any space between them, as well as by an orthography in which scarcely two natives agree.\fn{103}{(Reprinted and published in London, 1818), pp. 21-22.} +\end{extract} + +The Missionaries' transition from this stance was probably assisted by their association with Kālikumāra Rāya, the writing-master\fn{104}{\emph{Second Report of the Calcutta School Book Society} (Calcutta, 1819), p. 7; [spelt Calee Coomar Ray].} of the College of Fort William. Rāya was commissioned to design `a large and beautiful Exemplar of the Bengalee Alphabet in the Writing character' which was `cut by the artists at Serampore in large models formed of that preparation of metal\fn{105}{\emph{The Second Report of the Institution for the Support and Encouragement of Native Schools} (Serampore, 1818), p. 17. Khan (\emph{Printing in Bengali Characters}, I, p. 383), erroneously states that they were made of wood, confusing these types with those `cut in wood, about four times as large as our largest types, that the letters may be seen at a distance'; \emph{First Report \ldots\ Native Schools}, p. 22.} used in casting types; the native type-casters not having yet arrived at that skill in the art which would enable them to cast types of so large a size'.\fn{106}{\emph{Second Report \ldots\ Native Schools}, p. 17.} Neither a copy of the writing exemplar nor a copy of the three spelling tables, printed in supposedly another `fair and large type',\fn{107}{\emph{Hints Relative to Native Schools, Together with the Outline of an Institution for their Extension and Management} (Serampore, 1816, London rpt, 1817), p. 33. See below, chapter 3ii regarding this typeface.} is extant. But there is good reason to deduce a posteriori that a fount of heading types employed by the Baptist Mission Press, and displayed in their 1826 type specimen book,\fn{108}{See below, pl. 52.} was that designed by Kālikumāra Rāya. It is known that the Calcutta Baptists acquired types from Serampore\fn{109}{See below, chapter 3ii.} and that this fount (BM I) was used in their School Book imprints (\emph{varṇamālās}) for teaching the basic syllabary of the Bengali script - for which purpose Rāya's face was intended. BM I, with its strong characteristic of the reed pen, was particularly suited for use as a titling fount; diff --git a/src/pages/p0133.tex b/src/pages/p0133.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8fb806c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0133.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 133 — printed page 131 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +\origpage{131}it is to be found in numerous publications of the Baptist Mission Press and clearly influenced the design of later display types such as BM I.\fn{110}{There is also the possibility that Rāya was the designer of the heading typeface mentioned above; see p. 127.} + +Progress in type design was naturally enhanced by improvements in the quality of printing and paper. In 1823 Ward died suddenly of cholera and the post of the printing-office superintendent fell to John Clark Marshman. The publications subsequent to Ward's death indicate Marshman's suitability for this task which he had, in fact, performed during Ward's two and a half year absence abroad. + +Between 1801 and 1832 the Serampore Mission Press is known to have published `over two hundred and twelve thousand volumes in forty languages'.\fn{111}{G.A. Grierson, `The Early Publications of the Serampore Missionaries: a Contribution to Bibliography', \emph{Indian Antiquary}, XXXII (June, 1903), p. 241.} This vast figure reveals the continual emphasis placed by the Missionaries on the volume of matter they wished to disseminate in great quantity amongst the indigenous population. Their translations have been subject to much criticism since their first publication, although the quality of their typography has never been seriously questioned. The Missionaries realized their objective of producing readable imprints at the least expense with great speed, but they were not unduly concerned with the refinements of type design. It has been seen that improvements were always contemplated from the point of view of increased legibility\fn{112}{Rather than readability.} and, or, greater economy. Advances in the design of their text faces were minimal considering the time span in which they occurred and the high repute of the Serampore type foundry. The overall impression gained from a critical analysis of their Bengali imprints is one of mediocrity in design, reflecting the fact that the Brethren's concern with typography arose from necessity. This does not, however, detract from their considerable achievements in the field of printing. diff --git a/src/pages/p0134.tex b/src/pages/p0134.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fb1d8a2 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0134.tex @@ -0,0 +1,19 @@ +% PDF page 134 — printed page 132 — Chapter 3 (cont.) +% `Junior' is handwritten into a typed gap; adopted (logged in QUESTIONS.md) +\origpage{132}The genesis of Bengali literature, concomitant with the creation of a prose genre in this vernacular, cannot be attributed to the Serampore Missionaries.\fn{113}{See Potts, \emph{British Baptist Missionaries,} pp. 97 and 99.} Yet the first publication of Bengali prose literature printed in indigenous characters and the resulting impetus given to the production of Bengali compositions is due to their exertions. Moreover, the Missionaries were responsible for the publication of the first Indian language journal, the \emph{Digdarśana,} and the prototype Bengali newspaper, the \emph{Samācāra Darpaṇa,}\fn{114}{First issue 23 May 1818 - there is some dispute as to whether this was the first Indian language, or at least Bengali, \erratum{newspaper}{newpaper}; Potts, ibid., p. 102.} which in turn stimulated the rapid growth of a native press. + +In addition to other accomplishments,\fn{115}{e.g. he was founder of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of Bengal.} William Carey is reputed to have translated and supervised the printing of the following Scriptures: + +\begin{extract} +Bengali, Oriya, Hindi, Marathi, Sanskrit and Assamese- whole Bibles.\\ +Panjabi New Testament and Old Testament up to Ezek. xxvi.\\ +Pashto and Kashmiri New Testaments, and Old Testaments up to 2 Kings.\\ +Telugu and Konkani New Testaments, and Pentateuchs.\\ +Eighteen other New Testaments, and Five one-or-more Gospels.\fn{116}{Pearce Carey, \emph{William Carey,} p. 410.} +\end{extract} + +Such statements, prevalent in biographies of this missionary, merit little credence, for it has been established that Carey freely availed himself of any assistance at hand. In 1828 the `Junior Missionaries' felt bound to comment: + +\begin{extract} +The credit which accrued to the three Senior Missionaries for attempting such achievements, and the unbounded confidence reposed in them by the managers of the Institution at home, gave rise to some painful consequences abroad. Their praises were so loud, and so often iterated, that the labours of others equally indefatigable \ldots\ were yet deemed worthy of little notice, and their names never pronounced \ldots\ except in tones very subdued. The three Seniors were hardly conceived to be fallible \ldots.\fn{117}{Eustace Carey and William Yates, \emph{Vindication of the Calcutta Baptist Missionaries} (London, 1828), pp. 39-40. Carey was the only Senior Missionary still respected by the Junior Missionaries; Carey and Yates, ibid., p. 40.} +\end{extract} diff --git a/src/pages/p0135.tex b/src/pages/p0135.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6ad32a7 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0135.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 135 — printed page 133 — Chapter 3 (cont.); ends section 3.i +\origpage{133}Native pundits worked on the translations. Native compositors, printers, and proof-readers staffed the printing office which Ward, succeeded by Marshman, superintended. The type-casting and punchcutting based on the designs of anonymous local scribes, whilst benefitting from Lawson's expertise, were the responsibility of the Karmakara family. But the journals and correspondence of the Serampore Brethren indicate that Carey was indeed the pioneering spirit behind their typographical enterprises. Just as England was indebted to William Caxton for initiating the production of English prose in printed form, so must William Carey, rather than Charles Wilkins, be credited with laying the foundation of printed vernacular prose literature in India. It can be said that the programme devised by Carey, and executed by others, for promulgating his faith in Bengal inadvertently established the course of Bengali typography\fn{118}{Typography, as distinct from type design.} for the whole of the nineteenth century. diff --git a/src/pages/p0136.tex b/src/pages/p0136.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..80e4f94 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0136.tex @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +% PDF page 136 — printed page 134 — Chapter 3, section 3.ii begins +\subchap{3.ii The Baptist Mission Press.} +\origpage{134}The moulding of the printed Bengali character during the nineteenth century did not reside solely within the province of the Serampore Mission Press.\fn{119}{Contrary to the impression given by many historians, e.g. Anant Kakba Priolkar, \emph{The Printing Press in India} (Bombay, 1958), pp. 55-70.} Other missionary bodies active in Bengal during this period were also influential in determining the shaping of Bengali letterforms in metal, both by their typefounding activities and their choice and use of typestyles. The modest beginnings of the Baptist Mission Press, which belie its significant role in the development of Bengali vernacular typography, are perhaps the cause for the scant recognition it has received in this area. In histories of the Calcutta Brethren, attention has mainly focused on the `Serampore Controversy' which culminated in the establishment of the Calcutta Baptist Missionary Society. The dispute has been well documented, both by the protagonists and their biographers,\fn{120}{See Carey and Yates, \emph{Vindication,} and Pearce Carey, \emph{William Carey,} pp. 339-51.} and is not of concern here. + +The Calcutta Baptist Missionary Society, founded in 1817 by `the Junior Missionaries', William Yates, Eustace Carey, and John Lawson,\fn{121}{Carey and Yates, \emph{Vindication,} p. 8. They were joined by William Hopkins Pearce, another `Serampore deserter' in June 1818, who had been trained as a printer at the Oxford Clarendon Press.} was reluctant to rely on the Serampore Mission Press for its printing, and established its own press in 1818: + +\begin{extract} +It was designed to extend the usefulness of the mission by furnishing facilities for the printing and publication of the Scriptures, religious books, school books, and tracts\ldots. + +Its commencement was very humble: one wooden press alone, with two founts of type, being first purchased.\fn{122}{James Hoby, \emph{Memoir of William Yates; With an Abridgement of His Life of W.H. Pearce} (London, 1847), p. 399.} +\end{extract} diff --git a/src/pages/p0137.tex b/src/pages/p0137.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..36d2e2a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0137.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 137 — printed page 135 — Chapter 3, section 3.ii (cont.) +\origpage{135}Despite initial opposition from the Serampore Brethren, William Pearce set up the printing office using Bengali types that originated from Serampore.\fn{123}{Hoby, ibid., p. 398.} During its existence, the Baptist Mission Press acquired types and other materials from various sources to cope with the demand for printing by such bodies as the Calcutta Bible Society and the Calcutta School Book Society.\fn{124}{In 1822 Pearce was elected printer to the latter; Calcutta School Book Society, \emph{Fifth Report} (Calcutta, 1823), p. 2.} References to articles obtained from Figgins and other typefoundries are to be found in the archives held at the Baptist Missionary Society in London.\fn{125}{See, for example, BMS Records (IN/43):letter of C.B. Lewis to Trestrail, Calcutta 21 September 1859.} But soon after the Press's establishment `a typefoundry was found necessary to its usefulness'.\fn{126}{Hoby, \emph{William Yates}, p. 399.} After some hesitation,\fn{127}{See Carey and Yates, \emph{Vindication,} pp. 64-65.} for fear of incensing the Serampore Trio, Lawson reapplied his punchcutting skills and supervised the production of founts at the Baptist Mission's typefoundry. In 1826 the Calcutta brethren published a \emph{Specimen of Printing Types in use at the Calcutta Baptist Mission Press} containing seven founts of Bengali type, the majority being of their own manufacture.\fn{128}{See the preface to this work and pls. 52-58, see also below,pp. 176-9.} + +The founts possess quite individual designs; the differences they display are not merely those modifications customary to alterations in type size.\fn{129}{See below, chapter 6, regarding criteria that characterize original designs.} Of the Bengali types acquired or created by the Calcutta Baptists, specimen nos. I, II, III, and IV\fn{130}{Henceforth to be identified by the prefix BM.} illustrate a desire to bridge the gap, initially overlooked by their Serampore colleagues,\fn{131}{See above, pp. 127-30.} between Bengali chirography and typography. The formation of the letterforms contained in these founts follow the usual stroke sequence of penned forms, in contrast to such faces as SB1, SB2, and SB3, as diff --git a/src/pages/p0138.tex b/src/pages/p0138.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..549e64d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0138.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 138 — printed page 136 — plate 52 +\plateop{136}{52}{plates/p0138.png}{`Bengalee No. I' (BM I); \emph{Specimen of Printing Types in Use at the Calcutta Baptist Mission Press} (Calcutta, 182 )} diff --git a/src/pages/p0139.tex b/src/pages/p0139.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d89cbae --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0139.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 139 — printed page 137 — plate 53 +\plateop{137}{53}{plates/p0139.png}{`Bengalee Type, No. II': (BM II)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0140.tex b/src/pages/p0140.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4effabb --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0140.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 140 — printed page 138 — plate 54 +\plateop{138}{54}{plates/p0140.png}{`Bengalee Type, No. III': (BM III)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0141.tex b/src/pages/p0141.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c6a4825 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0141.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 141 — printed page 139 — plate 55 +\plateop{139}{55}{plates/p0141.png}{`Bengalee Type, No. IV': (BM IV)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0142.tex b/src/pages/p0142.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f8e14e3 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0142.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 142 — printed page 140 — plate 56 +\plateop{140}{56}{plates/p0142.png}{`Bengalee Type, No. V': (BM V)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0143.tex b/src/pages/p0143.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f89d490 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0143.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 143 — printed page 141 — plate 57 +\plateop{141}{57}{plates/p0143.png}{`Bengalee Type, No. VI': (VF1)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0144.tex b/src/pages/p0144.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..78fccd6 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0144.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 144 — printed page 142 — plate 58 +\plateop{142}{58}{plates/p0144.png}{`Bengalee Type, No. VIII': (BM VIII)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0145.tex b/src/pages/p0145.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e3712c3 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0145.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 145 — printed page 143 — Chapter 3, 3.ii (cont.) +% the original's Fig 1 (three drawn letterforms, labelled A, B, C) is cut from +% the scan and set at native size, like the inline specimens +\origpage{143}well as BM V, and BM VII\fn{132}{And specimen no. VI designed by Vincent Figgins (see below, chapter 5), henceforth designated as VF1; see pl. 57.} which require the pen to be lifted prior to the formation of the upright stroke.\fn{133}{In fact, the vertical strokes in these founts appear to be downstrokes.} These two styles are illustrated below, where A can be described as a `constructed' letterform, and B and C are written letterforms in that they do not contravene the customary stroke sequence of the penned hand. + +\par\medskip{\centering\ig{plates/p0145.png}\par}\medskip + +Whilst it has been stated above that BM I's design may be attributable to Kālikumāra Rāya,\fn{134}{See above, p. 130.} and it is reasonable to suppose that BM II was the `fair and large fount' designed to print spelling tables of `nearly a thousand words'\fn{135}{\emph{Hints Relative to Native Schools}, p. 33.} for the Calcutta School Book Society,\fn{136}{Khan states that it was used to print J.D. Pearson's spelling book held at the India Office Library, of which he gives an illustration, unfortunately this copy cannot be located; Khan, \emph{Printing in Bengali Characters}, I, p. 384 and II, p. 486.} there is no evidence to suggest that they possessed common authorship. It is more pertinent to note from the records available that the `Khooshnuveesh of the College of Fort William'\fn{137}{\emph{Second Report \ldots\ Native Schools}, p. 17.} initiated the style of type design whose salient feature was to capture in metal the principles of Bengali calligraphy, and which was emulated in such founts as BM IV and by other type foundries. diff --git a/src/pages/p0146.tex b/src/pages/p0146.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..311d130 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0146.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 146 — printed page 144 — plate 59 +\plateop{144}{59}{plates/p0146.png}{Specimen of Bengali curvilinear fount; (BM III)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0147.tex b/src/pages/p0147.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..481b91f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0147.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 147 — printed page 145 — Chapter 3, 3.ii (cont.) +\origpage{145}Certainly the most striking and innovative of the Bengali typefaces produced by the Baptist Mission typefoundry is BM III,\fn{138}{See pls. 54 and 59.} which dispenses with the horizontal headline that had become the norm for Bengali printed characters. This is replaced by a curved stroke, akin to that of the written hand, which produces a dynamic effect and is enhanced by a simultaneous alteration in stroke direction as described in fig. 1. Although BM III was designed in recognition of the fact that `printing confessedly cannot rival good Bungla writing, or form a good model for the imitation of scholars',\fn{139}{\emph{Report of the Provisional Committee of the Calcutta School Book Society} (Calcutta, 1817), Appendix. p. 3.} the original reason behind its conception was expressed by E.S. Montagu: + +\begin{extract} +To students in Bengalee it is well known, there are no artificial helps in the characters of the language by which proper names, quotations, or peculiarities of expression or thought can be marked so as readily to catch the eye \ldots. The nature also of the Bengalee type does not readily admit of Capitals, though this is by no means impracticable. + +From frequent communications on the subject with Mr PEARCE, the Superintendent of the Baptist Mission Press, \ldots\ it appeared to the Secretaries, that the easy curvilinear method of writing in use among the natives was imitable to a sufficiently useful extent to answer the purpose required; and Mr PEARCE is ably superintending their execution \ldots. By the varied use of the curvilinear and rectilinear type together, it is obvious the whole effect produced by Roman and Italic in the English character, may be attained in the Bengalee, the contrast between the two kinds of \emph{matro} or running line at the head of the letters as readily catching the eye.\fn{140}{Ibid., p. 50.} +\end{extract} + +The design of the majority of the conjuncts as one sort, possessing approximately the same depth as the other characters, contributes to a well-balanced face. Despite the careful construction and uniqueness' of this curvilinear fount, it does not appear to have enjoyed popular usage. This is possibly due to the variation in colour, produced either by loose printing or poor justification in casting, which creates a more uneven impression on paper than the typeface diff --git a/src/pages/p0148.tex b/src/pages/p0148.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..dee47b2 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0148.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 148 — printed page 146 — Chapter 3, 3.ii (cont.) +\origpage{146}deserves. The bad positioning of the subscript vowel signs also detracts from the merits of this typeface, necessitating generous leading and thereby rendering the fount unsuitable for use as a regular text face. This last feature is also an indication of the Calcutta Brethren's acceptance of existing composing techniques.\fn{141}{See below (chapter 8) for a discussion on the \emph{Akhand} . and \emph{Degree} systems of composition.} + +Whilst no further innovations were to emerge from the Calcutta Baptists in terms of Bengali type design or composition, during the nineteenth century they continued to extend and refine their range of Bengali typefaces. In order to achieve optimum results the number of sorts was increased. In founts such as VF1,\fn{142}{i.e. specimen no. VI; pl. 57.} the range of characters was extended to include manuscript style ligatures\fn{143}{Unless otherwise specified, in this study the term `ligature' denotes the combination of a consonant with a vowel, whereby another character shape (i.e. sort) is produced.} that served to eliminate the frequent and clumsy combinations of simple consonants with subscribed vowel signs. Additional conjuncts containing \ig{plates/inline/p0148-j01.png} as the second element were also designed: \ig{plates/inline/p0148-j02.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0148-j03.png} , although some like \ig{plates/inline/p0148-j04.png} remained. This feature does not appear entirely successful, for in some cases the upward swing of the \ig{plates/inline/p0148-j05.png} is too pronounced and renders these conjuncts obtrusive. + +The imprints of the Baptist Mission Press, notably the 1868 edition of the \emph{Hitopadeśa,} the \emph{Nūtana Dharmaniyama} (New Testament in Bengali) of 1865, and the \emph{Saṭīka Susamācāra Catuṣṭaya} (Four Gospels) published in 1872,\fn{144}{See pls. 60-64, and also Bibliography of Bengali publications.} reveal a higher standard of typography than that normally exhibited by Serampore publications. The type designs of the Calcutta Missionaries, their choice of founts from other foundries, and their arrangement of type-matter on the page all indicate a move towards a typography closer to Bengali diff --git a/src/pages/p0149.tex b/src/pages/p0149.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ffb0aac --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0149.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 149 — printed page 147 — plate 60 +\plateop{147}{60}{plates/p0149.png}{Bengali titling fount; \emph{Hitopadeśa} (Baptist Mission Press: Calcutta, 1868)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0150.tex b/src/pages/p0150.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e94ba25 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0150.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 150 — printed page 148 — plate 61 +\plateop{148}{61}{plates/p0150.png}{Bengali text; \emph{Hitopadeśa}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0151.tex b/src/pages/p0151.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3997de3 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0151.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 151 — printed page 149 — plate 62 +\plateop{149}{62}{plates/p0151.png}{\emph{Dharmapustakera Antabhāga;} Nūtana Dharmaniyama (Calcutta, 1865)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0152.tex b/src/pages/p0152.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..eecd150 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0152.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 152 — printed page 150 — plate 63 +\plateop{150}{63}{plates/p0152.png}{Bengali title page; \emph{Saṭīka \erratum{Susamācāra}{Susumācāra} Catuṣṭaya} (Calcutta, 1872)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0153.tex b/src/pages/p0153.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f3b2c84 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0153.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 153 — printed page 151 — plate 64 +\plateop{151}{64}{plates/p0153.png}{Bengali text; \emph{Saṭīka Susamācāra Catuṣṭaya}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0154.tex b/src/pages/p0154.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6293f12 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0154.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 154 — printed page 152 — Chapter 3, 3.ii ends +\origpage{152}chirography. This tendency, which recognized the limitations of the current typefounding and printing technology, was influential in shaping the developing Bengali printed character: Bengali vernacular printing came under the domination of their press after 1838.\fn{145}{Subsequent to their reunion with the Serampore Mission in 1837 and the death of Joshua Marshman in 1838, the last surviving member of the Trio.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0155.tex b/src/pages/p0155.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a2eb478 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0155.tex @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +% PDF page 155 — printed page 153 — Chapter 3, section 3.iii begins +% two handwritten corrections adopted: a struck `w' in typed `Townswend' and +% `ar' inserted in typed `contempories' (logged in QUESTIONS.md) +\subchap{3.iii The Bishop's College Press} +\origpage{153}Another press and typefoundry attached to a missionary establishment was that set up by the Bishop's College; an institution founded by Bishop Thomas Fanshawe Middleton at Sibpur in 1820 and superintended by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel.\fn{146}{Julius Richter, \emph{A History of Missions in India,} trans. Sidney H. Moore (Edinburgh, [1908]), p. 156.} The first printer to the College, Henry Townsend, had left England in 1823\fn{147}{On 9 September.} equipped with a printing press, types, and miscellaneous printing materials requisite to setting up a printing house for the College. On 26 July 1824 he remarked in a letter to Revd A. Hamilton: + +\begin{extract} +The Bengali types, ordered by me in your name, were not among those types brought by me, in consequence of not being finished when I left England. But as they are procurable [and] here better suited to the exact work they are required for than perhaps would be if procured from England, I accordingly ordered, by the direction of the Rev. Principal, a fount of Bengali type of 240lbs from a printer who has the apparatus ready for casting.\fn{148}{SPG Records C. Ind. I (6)-37B.} +\end{extract} + +Townsend's letters, his work, and the reception given to his efforts by contemporaries are evidence of his commitment to the production of high quality vernacular imprints, irrespective of their contents or purpose. This characteristic, not shared by his peers at the other mission presses, who saw their printing activities solely as a vehicle for conveying their faith to the `Heathen', was inherited by his successors\fn{149}{He died in 1828 and was succeeded by James Sykes, W. Risdale, H.A. Haycock and T. M'Arthur respectively.} and became the hallmark of the Bishop's College Press. William Morton's \emph{Dvibhāṣārthakābhidhāna, or A Dictionary of the Bengali Language,}\fn{150}{See pl. 65.} printed by Townsend in 1828, bears testimony to this, for here the printer's use of VF1\fn{151}{See above, chapter 3ii and below, chapter 5.} surpasses that of the Baptist Mission Press in its 1826 type specimen book. Particularly laudable is the careful handling of the awkward subscripts. The dictionary, necessarily comprising Bengali types mixed diff --git a/src/pages/p0156.tex b/src/pages/p0156.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2859f03 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0156.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 156 — printed page 154 — plate 65 +\plateop{154}{65}{plates/p0156.png}{William Morton, \emph{Dvibhāṣārthakābhidhāna, or A Dictionary of the Bengali Language} (Calcutta, 1828)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0157.tex b/src/pages/p0157.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b0b78e0 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0157.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 157 — printed page 155 — Chapter 3, 3.iii (cont.) +\origpage{155}with Latin, is a neat and legible work, revealing Townsend's potential skills as a master printer of vernacular texts. His early death cut short a promising career at the Bishop's College Press. + +Henry Townsend was also responsible for the establishment of the College Press's own typefoundry in 1826. He had discovered that the fount of Arabic types he had brought from England lacked certain required letterforms, and he further realized that time prohibited ordering the missing characters from London.\fn{152}{SPG Records: letter to A. Hamilton, 26 July 1824.} Townsend noted that all the printing establishments he encountered in India possessed a foundry `for casting all Eastern types which may be deficient'. Whilst preparing for William Morton's Bengali dictionary, Townsend surmised that unless a vast range of characters was cast, the number of sorts, `however well they may be calculated, can never be made to answer for every species of work'.\fn{153}{Letter to A. Hamilton, ibid.} + +The importance of Townsend's observation cannot be over-emphasized and is of greater consequence than the College's small undertakings in Bengali typefounding.\fn{154}{By 30 June 1826 it had `completed a large fount of Bengali type'; C. Ind. I (6) 40: \emph{Report of the Printing Department at Bishop's College} (from 1st July 1825 to the 30 June 1826). However, the only fount of interest produced by the foundry is a heading face (termed here BC1) which appears to be a less graceful interpretation of BM I; see pl. 66.} The requirement, peculiar to non-Latin fonts, for having the facility of generating new letterforms to cope with deficiencies in the range of sorts is equally pertinent today. This need necessarily grew with the expansion of trade and communication with other nations. The development of a native vernacular press in Bengal that commented on international affairs, coupled with the increasing trend towards transliteration of foreign words and names, verified diff --git a/src/pages/p0158.tex b/src/pages/p0158.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9fd750b --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0158.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 158 — printed page 156 — plate 66 +\plateop{156}{66}{plates/p0158.png}{Bengali imprint of the Bishop's College Press: title page (BC1) and text; \emph{Gīta Saṃhitā} (Calcutta, 1858)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0159.tex b/src/pages/p0159.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6c9fa2e --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0159.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 159 — printed page 157 — Chapter 3, 3.iii (cont.) +\origpage{157}Townsend's recognition of the difficulties in defining a finite list of sorts for composing Bengali.\fn{155}{Not only due to the introduction of new conjuncts for transliteration purposes, but forms of characters vary according to the style of the typeface, the nature of the work, current fashion, and the method of composition, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0159-k03.png} or \ig{plates/inline/p0159-k04.png} .} + +To some extent, this problem, first expressed by Townsend, had been overcome by Charles Wilkins with the use of \emph{phalās} to supplement fonts with conjuncts that were lacking. The large character size of CW1 enabled Wilkins to achieve this, although it resulted in distorted forms and clumsy combinations.\fn{156}{See above, chapter 1.} With the increasing desire for a reduction in type size, particularly for the purpose of Bible translation, it became harder for the \emph{phalā} system to be implemented. Wilkins himself increased the number of `contractions' for CW4, as the \emph{phalās} became too small to handle satisfactorily, and when used looked extraneous to the typeface. Moreover, presses like the Bishop's College Press, which prided itself on high-quality typography, elected to employ founts containing a large number of conjuncts and such manuscript ligatures as \ig{plates/inline/p0159-k01.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0159-k02.png} in preference to building up letterforms from more than one element. This predilection for large founts close to calligraphic tradition prevailed until the introduction of mechanical typecasting. + +It is curious to note that the converse is true when considering the evolution of Devanagari typeforms.\fn{157}{Which falls outside the scope of this thesis and merits a separate study.} The first fount of Devanagari types from Serampore necessitated 700 punches in its founding, and claims have been made that it possessed almost a thousand combinations.\fn{158}{Marshman, \emph{Carey, Marshman, and Ward,} I, p. 179 and \emph{Memoir Relative to the Translations} (1808), p. 19.} In Carey's Sanskrit \emph{Grammar,} the missionary's list of combined characters\fn{159}{William Carey, \emph{A Grammar of the Sungskrit Language} (Serampore, 1804).} far exceeds those listed in his \emph{Bengalee Grammar,} even though equivalents did exist in the Bengali script. An Indian named Thomas Graham, of the American Baptist Missionaries, introduced diff --git a/src/pages/p0160.tex b/src/pages/p0160.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..141dfe0 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0160.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 160 — printed page 158 — Chapter 3, 3.iii (cont.) +\origpage{158}the notion of \emph{phalās} (later known as \emph{degrees} or \emph{half-forms}) for the Devanagari script.\fn{160}{This fount appeared in 1836.} The combined letterforms of the inherently less cursive Devanagari script were more suited to division into separate components than their Bengali counterparts, since many were still intelligible when composed laterally as well as vertically.\fn{161}{For further information regarding this method of composition, see below, chapters 7 and 8.} The American Baptist Mission in Assam also had a typefoundry which cast Assamese types, but in contrast to its Devanagari founts founded in Bombay, these types cannot be deemed to have had a significant impact on vernacular typography in terms of type design. + +Economic difficulties curtailed the typefounding and printing activities of the Bishop's College Press owing to the increasing number of commercial presses able to supply imprints at more competitive prices. The precise number of its Bengali imprints is unknown, but is thought to exceed seventy.\fn{162}{Khan, \emph{Printing in Bengali Characters,} I, p. 337.} Despite its relatively short life (1824-1870), the Bishop's College Press succeeded in introducing the art of fine printing in the Bengali script to the reading public. \emph{Gīta Saṃhitā, The Book of Psalms} in Bengali and English,\fn{163}{See pls. 66 (showing BC1) and 67 (showing BM IV).} printed by T. M'Arthur in 1858, still ranks as one of the best exhibits of fine Bengali typography. diff --git a/src/pages/p0161.tex b/src/pages/p0161.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ece6c39 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0161.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 161 — printed page 159 — plate 67 +\plateop{159}{67}{plates/p0161.png}{English/Bengali text; \emph{Gīta Saṃhitā}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0162.tex b/src/pages/p0162.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e04ed26 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0162.tex @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +% PDF page 162 — printed page 160 — Section B title page (flush left in the original) +\sectionstart{Section B}{European Ventures} +\origpage{160} diff --git a/src/pages/p0163.tex b/src/pages/p0163.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..39a6b8f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0163.tex @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +% PDF page 163 — printed page 161 — Chapter 4 begins; notes restart at 1 +\chapnum{Chapter 4}{William Bolts and Joseph Jackson} +\origpage{161}The earliest recorded serious attempt to manufacture a fount of movable Bengali types for hand composition merits attention, notwithstanding the vociferous condemnation it received from Nathaniel Brassey Halhed in the preface to his \emph{A Grammar of the Bengal Language}.\fn{1}{Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, p. xiii.} The proposed fount cut by the renowned punchcutter Joseph Jackson\fn{2}{Pl. 68 shows Jackson (2nd on left) working at William Caslon I's foundry.} (1733-1792) at the behest of William Bolts (1735-1808) affords printing historians additional insight into the difficulties encountered by pioneers in vernacular typefounding. + +Harry Verelst,\fn{3}{Governor of Bengal 1767-1769.} a principal adversary of William Bolts, portrays the so-called Dutch adventurer\fn{4}{N.L. Hallward, \emph{William Bolts A Dutch Adventurer under John Company} (Cambridge, 1920).} as follows: + +\begin{extract} +Mr Bolts arrived in India in the year 1760, and we soon find him a principal figure amongst the groups of traders. The extent to which this gentleman engaged, and the moderation with which he conducted himself, will be best known from his fortune of ninety thousand pounds, gained within six years, together with the extreme eagerness with which he endeavoured, upon all occasions, to degrade the authority of the government, and prevent any effectual protection being given to the natives.\fn{5}{Harry Verelst, \emph{A View of the Rise, Progress, and Present State of the English Government in Bengal} (London, 1772), p. 38.} +\end{extract} + +The difficult relations of William Bolts with the East India Company in Bengal have been much publicized, not least by himself,\fn{6}{See William Bolts, \emph{Considerations on India Affairs; particularly respecting the present state of Bengal and its dependencies,} (London, 1772); and Part II, \emph{Containing a Complete Vindication of the Author, from Malicious Groundless Charges of Mr Verelst,} Vols. I and II (London, 1775).} and must have constituted an obstacle to his typographic ambitions.\fn{7}{Bolts's advertisement for the establishment of a printing press was used against him by the Company as `proof of \ldots\ his attempts to sow seeds of discontent'. \emph{Bengal Letters Received,} 26 August 1767 to April 1769 IOR E/4/28.} Nevertheless, the Appendix to Part II of \emph{Considerations on India Affairs} contains a letter from Bolts addressed to one of diff --git a/src/pages/p0164.tex b/src/pages/p0164.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b67ac3c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0164.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 164 — printed page 162 — plate 68 +\plateop{162}{68}{plates/p0164.png}{Engraving showing Joseph Jackson working at Caslon's foundry in 1750; T.B. Reed, \emph{History of Old English Letter Foundries} (London, 1887)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0165.tex b/src/pages/p0165.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..36e08c6 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0165.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 165 — printed page 163 — Chapter 4 (cont.) +\origpage{163}the Company's Directors soliciting financial assistance in order to complete a fount of Bengali types. The letter, which is accompanied by the only known extant specimen of the typeface, is dated 23 September 1773; five years after his forcible deportation to England\fn{8}{Even in 1770, after his deportation, Bolts applied to the EIC for financial assistance; Hallward, \emph{William Bolts,} p. 115. n.1.} and about five years before Halhed and Wilkins undertook a similar venture under `the patronage of Governor Hastings'.\fn{9}{\emph{East Indian Chronologist,} p. 68b.} No such patronage, however, was accorded to Bolts, whose project was further jeopardized by the fact that he `spent so much money in his litigation with the Company and its servants, and over the publication of his two volumes of ``Considerations,'' that \ldots\ he became bankrupt'\fn{10}{Hallward, \emph{William Bolts,} p. 131.} in October 1773. + +Some time after his deportation to England,\fn{11}{He was deported in September 1768.} Bolts commissioned Joseph Jackson to produce a fount of Bengali types. A specimen sheet issued by Jackson in 1773 is said to have included these types cut `for Mr Will. Bolts Judge of the Mayors's Court of \emph{Calcutta,} for a work in which he was engaged at the time of his sudden departure from \emph{England} about the y. 1774'.\fn{12}{E. Rowe Mores, \emph{Dissertation upon English Typographical Founders and Founderies} ([London] 1778), p. 83.} By this time Joseph Jackson had established himself as a typefounder of some repute, having earned the title `first mechanick in the kingdom'.\fn{13}{John Nichols, \emph{Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century} (London, 1812), II, p. 360.} He had learnt the art of punchcutting during his apprenticeship to William Caslon I by spying through a hole in the wainscot. Ample evidence exists of his typefounding skills which culminated in a successful facsimile of the \emph{Doomesday Book}; a project that took ten years to print and for which he became renowned.\fn{14}{Talbot Baines Reed \emph{A History of the Old English Letter Foundries} (London, 1887), pp. 315 and 320-1.} A Devanagari fount, cut for William Kirkpatrick of the East India service,\fn{15}{Persian Secretary to the Commander in Chief for India. The fount was cut circa 1785.} exhibits Jackson's ability to capture in metal the fine calligraphic strokes of the non-Latin character shapes supplied to him. Proofs of these Devanagari types diff --git a/src/pages/p0166.tex b/src/pages/p0166.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..066f1a5 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0166.tex @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +% PDF page 166 — printed page 164 — Chapter 4 (cont.) +% `shortcoming' is handwritten into a typed gap; adopted (logged in QUESTIONS.md) +\origpage{164}are still extant in the form of type specimen sheets and in Kirkpatrick's Persian, Arabic and English \emph{Vocabulary}.\fn{16}{See pls. 69 and 70; see also Bibliography for full titles.} The letterforms, which have the appearance of copperplate script, possess an elegance and delicacy of stroke rarely found in nineteenth-century vernacular imprints. Paradoxically, the main criticism that may be levelled at Jackson's Devanagari typeface is its close adherence to the original scrivener's hand. For no obvious aesthetic or historic reason, variations occur in the design of the basic \emph{akṣaras} when forming ligatures, which distract the eye and impede readability. It can be speculated that such design variations existed in the original models from which Jackson cut the punches, and are unlikely to represent his own interpretation of the script. Charles Wilkins must have found Jackson's Devanagari fount unsatisfactory: in 1787 he mentions `a want of Sanskreet types',\fn{17}{Charles Wilkins, [trans.] \emph{The Heetopadesha of Veeshnoo-Sarma} (Bath, 1787), Preface p. xvii.} and for the \emph{Grammar of the Sanskrita Language,}\fn{18}{Wilkins, \emph{A Grammar of the Sanskrita Language,} p. xii.} he cast his own. + +Halhed's testimony suggests that the fount of Bengali types proposed by Bolts was never completed. The underlying cause of the Dutchman's failure to produce a good working fount of Bengali types was not solely due to his acrimonious relationship with the East India Company\fn{19}{Who, at one point [1771], reinstated him as Alderman to the Mayors Court in Calcutta; see Bolts, \emph{Considerations,} Pt II, vol. II, pp. 626-7.} and the consequent financial difficulties. Neither was the fount flawed by any incompetence with regard to punchcutting or typefounding; a shortcoming which had threatened Wilkins's early ventures in typography. + +The ability to perceive the \erratum{unsuitability}{unsuitablity} of certain designs for type manufacture is essential to the successful creation of a typeface. It was this facility which, whilst not expected of Joseph Jackson with regard to Indian scripts, was diff --git a/src/pages/p0167.tex b/src/pages/p0167.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..667b00f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0167.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 167 — printed page 165 — plate 69 +\plateop{165}{69}{plates/p0167.png}{Part of a specimen sheet of Joseph Jackson's Devanagari types} diff --git a/src/pages/p0168.tex b/src/pages/p0168.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..249c799 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0168.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 168 — printed page 166 — plate 70 +\plateop{166}{70}{plates/p0168.png}{Specimen sheet showing Devanagari types attributable to Joseph Jackson} diff --git a/src/pages/p0169.tex b/src/pages/p0169.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8cb35c6 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0169.tex @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +% PDF page 169 — printed page 167 — Chapter 4 (cont.) +\origpage{167}conspicuously absent in William Bolts and undermined the latter's only known typographic exercise. Talbot Baines Reed noted: + +\begin{extract} +It appears, however, that although Mr Bolts was supposed to be in every way competent for the fabrication of this intricate character, his models as copied by Jackson, failed to give satisfaction, and the work was for the time abandoned \ldots. + +Mr Bolts's failure in this particular reflects no discredit on Jackson, who faithfully reproduced the models given him \ldots.\fn{20}{Reed, \emph{Old English Letter Foundries,} pp. 318-9.} +\end{extract} + +Bolts is known to have `wholly applied himself to the acquisition of the Bengal dialect'.\fn{21}{Bolts, \emph{Considerations,} Pt II, vol. II, p. 9.} But such an application would not necessarily have provided Bolts with an appreciation of Bengali calligraphy, nor with an insight into the intricacies of Bengali type-cutting. His ignorance is reflected in the typeface sample he submitted to the Court of Directors. An examination of this specimen,\fn{22}{See pl. 71.} which is unaccompanied by a commentary, reveals Bolts's poor understanding of the basic Bengali syllabary and an inability to differentiate between cursive and decorative styles of Bengali manuscript. Within this one sample three kinds of the \emph{akṣara ja} are represented, of which one is the figure 4; two forms of \ig{plates/inline/p0169-l01.png} ; and two of \ig{plates/inline/p0169-l02.png} . Bolts's intention may have been to provide alternative forms of the one character, but there is no evidence of this. Furthermore, the choice of the cursive style for typographic purposes should have been recognized as inappropriate. + +The cursive Bengali hand\fn{23}{As distinct from the formal decorative hand; see above, chapter 1.} contravenes two basic criteria required of good typography, namely that it should possess a high degree of legibility and be aesthetically acceptable, if not actually pleasing, to the reader. The cursive writing style of Bengali is by nature informal, retaining the personal diff --git a/src/pages/p0170.tex b/src/pages/p0170.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2ec5dd2 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0170.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 170 — printed page 168 — plate 71 +\plateop{168}{71}{plates/p0170.png}{William Bolts's specimen of Bengali types (September, 1773)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0171.tex b/src/pages/p0171.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..88903f3 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0171.tex @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +% PDF page 171 — printed page 169 — Chapter 4 (cont.) +% note 24: `this' is struck through by hand and stands as typed (see QUESTIONS.md) +\origpage{169}characteristics of the writer, and thereby generating almost infinite varieties with no accepted standard. It is thus exceptionally difficult to transform into type, not solely because of its complex and cursive nature, but because the forms employed are often identifiable only in context and not in isolation. The separation of character elements into usable metal components would have created problems for the type designer or founder as well as the compositor. The number of sorts and ligatures would have been extensive, as the character shapes would vary according to their combinations,\fn{24}{Judging by Jackson's Devanagari fount, this may have been the intention - but Wilkins's Devanagari fount was also large.} rendering it difficult for the designer to achieve uniformity and harmony in design. In short, the resulting cursive typeface would have required complicated setting, printed poorly, and remained legible only to a minority. + +In the light of the sample supplied by William Bolts, containing the decorative manuscript style interspersed with cursive styles, Halhed's assessment of this fount can be considered justifiable: + +\begin{extract} +Mr Bolts (who is supposed to be well versed in this language) attempted to fabricate a set of types \ldots\ with the assistance of the ablest artists of London. But as he has \qslip{egregriously} failed in executing even the easiest part, or a primary alphabet, of which he has published a specimen, there is no reason to suppose that his project when compleated [\emph{sic}], would have advanced beyond the usual state of imperfection to which new inventions are constantly exposed.\fn{25}{Halhed, \emph{Grammar}, p. xxiii.} +\end{extract} + +Moreover, had Bolts received the financial and moral backing of the East India Company, which he felt was personally denied to him,\fn{26}{`I should have no doubt but the Court of Directors would very readily contribute \ldots\ if the proposal did not come from me'; Bolts \emph{Considerations,} Pt II, vol. II, Appendix, p. 285.} his chances of producing a viable fount of Bengali types would not have improved significantly. The technical skills of one of the ablest punchcutters were diff --git a/src/pages/p0172.tex b/src/pages/p0172.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..618da81 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0172.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 172 — printed page 170 — Chapter 4 ends +\origpage{170}insufficient to overcome Bolts's inadequate knowledge\fn{27}{Which indicates inadequate research.} of the Bengali writing system. In turn, the relative success of the Bengali types which Halhed employed for his \emph{Grammar} was not merely due to the patronage of the East India Company and Wilkins's dubious typefounding skills, but rather to the judicious choice of the stylized decorative hand from which to derive the typeface.\fn{28}{Apart from any incidental inscriptional influence; see chapter 7.} A comparison of the early non-Latin founts indicates that technical knowledge and skill in typefounding rarely compensate for deficiencies in the comprehension of the script concerned - as the Bengali types of William Bolts confirm. Conversely, poor designs and poor workmanship have not deterred printers from employing vernacular fonts of inferior quality when no alternative is available, provided the letterforms remain intelligible to the reader. + +William Bolts's pioneering attempt to manufacture a typeface for the vernacular of Bengal was destined to fail. He was at odds with its rulers, and possessed neither a true appreciation of the writing system nor was conversant with type design. Yet his ill-considered venture was not futile, for it benefited his successors,\fn{29}{Halhed evidently took note of it.} since it recognized the need for vernacular types, and illustrated the perennial difficulties encountered by non-native typefounders. His example has, however, not prevented the continued repetition of such errors.\fn{30}{See below, chapter 6.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0173.tex b/src/pages/p0173.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d96466f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0173.tex @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +% PDF page 173 — printed page 171 — Chapter 5 begins; notes restart at 1 +% note 1 is supplied entirely in handwriting in the scan ("Principally in +% England."); adopted as the note's text (logged in QUESTIONS.md) +\chapnum{Chapter 5}{Vincent Figgins and Richard Watts.} +\origpage{171}Joseph Jackson's well-publicized failure to produce a satisfactory fount of Bengali types was not emulated by his one-time apprentice Vincent Figgins (1766-1844). The Bengali fount cut by Figgins, perhaps the first to be cut on a commercial basis, was employed by eminent printers from the first quarter of the nineteenth century. It replaced Charles Wilkins's fourth fount as the standard for Bengali composition,\fn{1}{Principally in England.} and its use continued until the advent of mechanical composition for the Bengali script. + +Vincent Figgins became apprenticed to Joseph Jackson at the age of sixteen and continued in his service for ten years, rising to the position of manager. Upon Jackson's death in 1792, Figgins was unable to purchase his master's foundry which he considered to be over-priced; the foundry was purchased by William Caslon III.\fn{2}{Who removed it to Finsbury Sq. for a few years and then transferred it back to its old premises in Dorset St.; Reed, \emph{Letter Foundries,} p. 325.} Encouraged by John Nichols, a close friend of Jackson's, and with `a large order (two founts, great primer and pica, of each 2,000lb \ldots)',\fn{3}{T.C. Hansard, \emph{Typographia} (London, 1825), p. 360.} Figgins set up his own foundry at the Swan Yard, Holborn.\fn{4}{The foundry moved to West St., West Smithfield in 1801, and from there to Ray St., Farringdon Rd. in 1865; Reed, \emph{Letter Foundries,} pp. 341 and 343.} He soon displayed his skills by the completion of an order, originally begun at Jackson's foundry, which required him to copy Jackson's fount of 2-line English Roman cut for Macklin's \emph{Bible} - the original matrices having become the property of Caslon III. The replica fount which was displayed in an undated type specimen sheet issued in 1792 established `his reputation as an excellent artist'.\fn{5}{Reed, \emph{Letter Foundries,} pp. 336-7. The only known extant copy of the type specimen sheet is owned by Berthold Wolpe and reproduced in his facsimile reprint: \emph{Vincent Figgins Type Specimens 1801 and 1815} (London, 1967), p. 14.} Hansard diff --git a/src/pages/p0174.tex b/src/pages/p0174.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..21230d9 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0174.tex @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +% PDF page 174 — printed page 172 — Chapter 5 (cont.) +\origpage{172}recorded, `the fount \ldots\ was put into use to begin 'Deuteronomy about the year 1793'.\fn{6}{See Hansard, \emph{Typographia}, p. 359. When it also appeared in his first type specimen book.} + +Similar projects initiated at Jackson's foundry devolved upon Figgins in preference to Caslon; one such project was a fount of Double Pica Greek purchased by the Oxford University Press. Original founts produced by Figgins also included non-Latin designs. According to Reed, his fount of Persian/Nastāliq types was completed under the supervision of Sir William Ouseley.\fn{7}{Reed, \emph{Letter Foundries}, pp. 338-339.} There is some uncertainty, however, as to whether it is the fount illustrated at the beginning of the first volume of \emph{Oriental Collections} by Ouseley in an advertisement which reads: + +\begin{extract} +I have employed a few leisure hours in superintending the execution of a new Persian Type, which will \ldots\ exhibit as \qslip{faithfull} a representation of the true \emph{Taleek} character, as can be effected by any imitative powers of the typographick art. But so very difficult, tedious, and, to an individual, so expensive is the performance of this undertaking \ldots\ that the following line is the only specimen of the new letters, combined, which I am enabled to give in the present Number. \fn{8}{W. Ouseley, ed., \emph{Oriental Collections}, I (London, 1797). It is to be found at the beginning of the copy (held at the St Bride Printing Library) which was formerly the property of T.B. Reed. But Reed, (\emph{Letter Foundries}, p. 339, n. 1) refers to the advertisement as being at the `close of the Ist volume'.} +\end{extract} + +The types illustrated are, however, not to be found in the second volume of \emph{Oriental Collections} published in 1798, nor do they correspond to the skilfully executed Persian types (on Paragon body), shown in Figgins's type specimen books,\fn{9}{The earliest known type specimen of Figgins's Persian fount appeared in 1833; see pl. 72.} which possess a smaller ascender height.\fn{10}{Compare the height of the \emph{alefs}.} + +At the beginning of the nineteenth century Figgins was commissioned to cut a `fount of English Telegu from a MS., for the East India Company',\fn{11}{Reed, \emph{Letter Foundries}, p. 339; this information was probably taken from Hansard, \emph{Typographia}, p. 403.} for printing regulations by its Madras administration. In 1802 Figgins issued a diff --git a/src/pages/p0175.tex b/src/pages/p0175.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f464aa4 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0175.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 175 — printed page 173 — plate 72 +\plateop{173}{72}{plates/p0175.png}{Bengali and Persian types; \emph{Specimen of Printing Types by Vincent Figgins} (London, 1833)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0176.tex b/src/pages/p0176.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1e279ef --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0176.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 176 — printed page 174 — Chapter 5 (cont.) +\origpage{174}\emph{Specimen of a Fount of Telegu Types}\fn{12}{\emph{Specimen of a Fount of Telegu Types Cast by Vincent Figgins} (London, 1802), see pl. 73.} showing a commendable translation of complex manuscript letterforms into elegant types. The \emph{Specimen} not only illustrates Figgins's typefounding abilities, but with its various tables of `radical consonants', `combined consonants' etc., it also displays an understanding of the complexities of the Telugu writing system and signifies that Figgins's appreciation of its nature was fundamental to his system of composition. + +Although the Telugu manuscript used as his model has not been identified, the specimen suggests that Figgins entertained few compromises, but combined his technical knowledge, professional skills, and the linguistic information\fn{13}{Which he could not have deduced from mere observation of one manuscript. It is likely that he was assisted by Charles Wilkins in this respect, whose duties around this time included `seeing through the press publications commissioned or supported by the Company'; Lloyd, `Charles Wilkins', p. 36.} imparted to him for the cutting of the fount. The sample of Telugu writing\fn{14}{See pl. 73.} bears testimony to this and it must have been encouraging to the East India Company, who commissioned the fount, that Vincent Figgins, a man palpably skilled in Latin typefounding, should have devoted so much effort to the interpretation of foreign letterforms in metal for what must have been a very limited reading public. + +Figgins's professional skills and his familiarity with Oriental founts owe much to the training he received at Jackson's foundry which he was keen to acknowledge. In his first (undated) type specimen book published in 1793, Figgins described himself as `having had the advantage of ten years instruction and servitude under the late ingenious Mr JOSEPH JACKSON (a great part of which time he had \emph{the management of} his Foundry) \ldots\ '.\fn{15}{V. Figgins, \emph{Specimen of Printing Types} (London, [1793]), [prefatory note].} His benefactor, Nichols, also remarked: diff --git a/src/pages/p0177.tex b/src/pages/p0177.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6f3b2c1 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0177.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 177 — printed page 175 — plate 73 +\plateop{175}{73}{plates/p0177.png}{`Telegu Writing'; \emph{Specimen of a Fount of Telegu Cast by Vincent Figgins} (London, 1802)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0178.tex b/src/pages/p0178.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..76e72aa --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0178.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 178 — printed page 176 — Chapter 5 (cont.); opens inside Nichols's remark +\origpage{176}\begin{extract} +With an ample portion of his kind instructor's reputation, he inherits a considerable share of his talents and industry; and has distinguished himself by the many beautiful specimens he has produced, and particularly of Oriental types.\fn{16}{Nichols, \emph{Literary Anecdotes}, II, p. 361.} +\end{extract} + +Vincent Figgins was also receptive to new ideas as is evidenced by his production of founts designed specifically for newspaper composition.\fn{17}{See Reed, \emph{Letter Foundries}, p. 340, and James Mosley, `The Typefoundry of Vincent Figgins 1792-1836', \emph{Motif} No. 1, Nov 1958, pp. 29-36 for further information.} His foundry has been described as `one from which some of the most inventive designs originated, many of which still provide a basic vocabulary for the user of letters'.\fn{18}{Mosley, ibid., p. 29.} Figgins's Bengali fount (VF1) alone shows a significant progression from his former master's efforts. + +Contrary to the belief that VF1 only appeared as a specimen in England in 1833, and that it was first employed after his death by Stephen Austin in 1861,\fn{19}{See Khan, \emph{Printing in Bengali Characters}, I, pp. 51 and 392.} a sample was published in India in 1826 and the fount saw use during Figgins's lifetime. As indicated above, VF1 appears under the designation `Bengalee, No. VI' in \emph{Specimen of Printing Types in Use at the Calcutta Baptist Mission Press,}\fn{20}{See pl. 74.} but it is not shown to best advantage owing to the poor quality of printing. A better example is afforded in Lukalikhita Susamācāra \emph{(The Gospel by Luke)} published in 1831 by the Baptist Mission Press.\fn{21}{See pl. 75.} In neither imprint has this fount been attributed to Vincent Figgins,\fn{22}{And, to my knowledge, has so far escaped identification.} yet it is the same fount as the `Pica Bengalee' given in the 1833 \emph{Specimen of Printing Types by Vincent Figgins,}\fn{23}{See pl. 72.} and there is no doubt of Figgins's authorship. The Calcutta Baptists are known to have acquired material from the Figgins foundry,\fn{24}{See above, chapter 3ii.} and the `Advertisement', written by W. H. Pearce, at the beginning of the 1826 Calcutta \emph{Specimen} stated: diff --git a/src/pages/p0179.tex b/src/pages/p0179.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..54b536f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0179.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 179 — printed page 177 — plate 74 +\plateop{177}{74}{plates/p0179.png}{Vincent Figgins's Bengali fount (VF1); \emph{Specimen of Printing Types in Use at the Calcutta Baptist Mission Press} (Calcutta, 1821)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0180.tex b/src/pages/p0180.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..15025f3 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0180.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 180 — printed page 178 — plate 75 +\plateop{178}{75}{plates/p0180.png}{VF1: Bengali text; \emph{Lukalikhita Susamācāra} (Calcutta, 1831)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0181.tex b/src/pages/p0181.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..56bcc27 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0181.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 181 — printed page 179 — Chapter 5 (cont.) +\origpage{179}\begin{extract} +Of the different specimens of type in the following pages, all those of the Oriental languages, with one or two exceptions, have been cast at the Type-Foundery attached to the Baptist Mission Press, as well as printed at its office. +\end{extract} + +One of the `exceptions' was `Bengalee No. VI' which exhibits the degree of professionalism usually associated with Vincent Figgins. + +The exact source of the artwork for VF1 is not known, but the types indicate that Figgins, unlike Jackson, was in possession of good models, probably furnished by the missionaries. The style, which does not emulate the type designs of Charles Wilkins, bears strong affinity to the types of the Baptist Missionaries, in particular BM V.\fn{25}{See above, chapter 3ii and pl. 56.} Apart from the type size, there are many similarities: the relative proportions of the characters; the junctions of the principal elements of such letterforms as \ig{plates/inline/p0181-m01.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0181-m02.png} to their stems; and the shaping and colouring of \ig{plates/inline/p0181-m03.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0181-m04.png} . Despite significant differences between VF1 and SB4 (the Serampore typeface used to print the 1832 \emph{Dharma Pustaka}),\fn{26}{See pl. 76.} notably the stroke contrast and the depth of some of the conjuncts, the degree of correspondence that exists between many of the sorts of both typefaces cannot be merely coincidental. It is highly probable that the Serampore face was influenced by the Figgins fount which, current evidence suggests, pre-dates the missionaries fount by a number of years. + +In order to retain clarity at this small type size, Figgins has dispensed with any calligraphic emphasis, still adhered to in SB4. In so doing, he has succeeded in producing even the most complex conjuncts at this size without distorting their proportions or impairing their legibility. The repetition of the diagonal slant, to be found in such characters as \ig{plates/inline/p0181-m05.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0181-m06.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0181-m07.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0181-m08.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0181-m09.png} , and the introduction of colour by the well-emphasized roundings of the frequent characters \ig{plates/inline/p0181-m10.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0181-m11.png} diff --git a/src/pages/p0182.tex b/src/pages/p0182.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..44e3892 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0182.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 182 — printed page 180 — plate 76 +\plateop{180}{76}{plates/p0182.png}{SB4: Bengali text; \emph{Dharma Pustaka} (Serampore, 1832)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0183.tex b/src/pages/p0183.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c9a4dda --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0183.tex @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +% PDF page 183 — printed page 181 — Chapter 5 (cont.) +% note 30's two Bengali words cut by explicit box (see manifest note) +\origpage{181}enliven the otherwise prosaic design. The subscripts do not merge successfully with the base characters, but their occurrence is restricted by the comprehensive number of ligatures and conjuncts available. The result is a polished, readable typeface suitable for book-work. + +It is curious that Figgins's 1833 specimen of this fount does not make use of all the sorts available at the time of its publication; for instance, the \emph{raphalā} \ig{plates/inline/p0183-n01.png} is set separately to \ig{plates/inline/p0183-n02.png} , whereas in \emph{The Gospel by Luke} the conjunct \ig{plates/inline/p0183-n03.png} appears as one individual sort. The form of \ig{plates/inline/p0183-n04.png} that Figgins employs has the appearance of a wrong sort and has the same structure as that found in BM V. An improved form is used in the 1826 `Bengalee No. VI' sample. Perhaps the 1833 specimen was composed by someone not proficient in the Bengali language or composition - note the inverted \ig{plates/inline/p0183-n05.png} in line 6. Another, perhaps more likely, explanation is that this text may have been composed much earlier than 1833, before the fount had reached its final stage. Figgins, no doubt, took numerous proofs whilst cutting the fount. Typeface samples given in specimen books usually comprise a selection of samples printed at different times and collated into one volume. They are therefore extremely difficult to date and can be notoriously misleading; they should be regarded simply as `ephemeral printing trade catalogues',\fn{27}{Wolpe, \emph{Figgins Type Specimen,} p. 17; the same is true of typeface catalogues produced today.} and not as reliable sources for establishing typeface chronologies. + +In 1836 Vincent Figgins relinquished his business to his sons,\fn{28}{Reed, \emph{Letter Foundries,} p. 343.} Vincent and James, who published their first type specimen book in 1838.\fn{29}{V. \& J. Figgins, \emph{Specimen of Book and Newspaper Types} (London, 1838).} This does not include VF1, but the fount does appear in the \emph{Epitome of Specimens} (1847) with both the length of the text and the measure reduced.\fn{30}{See pl. 77; also errors were introduced, eg. \ig{plates/inline/p0183-n06.png} instead of \ig{plates/inline/p0183-n07.png} .} This specimen was diff --git a/src/pages/p0184.tex b/src/pages/p0184.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c2a3300 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0184.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 184 — printed page 182 — plate 77 +\plateop{182}{77}{plates/p0184.png}{VF1: type specimen; Vincent and James Figgins, \emph{Epitome of Specimens} (London, 1847)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0185.tex b/src/pages/p0185.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ffcfa2a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0185.tex @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +% PDF page 185 — printed page 183 — Chapter 5 (cont.) +% the small raised mark before `repha' is transcribed as a left quote +\origpage{183}reproduced again in the publication \emph{Epitome of Specimens} (c. 1870).\fn{31}{See pl. 78.} The Bengali typeface is also shown in \emph{New Specimens; Oriental Types} produced by V. \& J. Figgins,\fn{32}{Although Vincent II had died in 1860.} a copy of which was sent to Messrs Reed and Son by James Figgins in December 1884.\fn{33}{This is now housed at the St Bride Printing Library and contains a letter dated 5 Dec 1884 from James Figgins.} This new specimen of Bengali types has been identified as a revised fount on a different body.\fn{34}{Khan, \emph{Printing in Bengali Characters}, I, pp. 50 and 51.} Yet its designation `Bengali on Pica Body' clearly indicates that the body-size has not been altered.\fn{35}{See pl. 80.} The typeface is, in fact, the same as the 1833 specimen with additional ligatures (particularly those with \ig{plates/inline/p0185-o01.png} , like \ig{plates/inline/p0185-o02.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0185-o03.png} ) and combinations with \emph{raphalā}, all of which appear in the earlier Calcutta imprints and assist in the reduction of the leading. The shorter ` \emph{repha} and the improved version of the character \ig{plates/inline/p0185-o04.png} have been employed. It may seem as if some of the ascenders have been curtailed, e.g. the flourish on \ig{plates/inline/p0185-o05.png} , in order to reduce interlinear spacing. However, this is probably due to the lighter inking of 1884 specimen, or simply wear and tear on the types, for \ig{plates/inline/p0185-o06.png} still has a very high ascender.\fn{36}{See pl. 81 showing enlargements of the 1833 and 1884 specimens.} As the title of the imprint suggests,\fn{37}{See pl. 79.} it is indeed a new specimen, but not a new typeface. + +The variations in the interlinear spacing of the Bengali fount - viz. that used in the Figgins specimen books 1833, 1847, and 1870, in comparison to that employed in the \emph{New Specimens} and Calcutta imprints - dramatically affect the texture of this typeface. The tighter setting reveals the inherent cohesion of the typeforms designed by Vincent Figgins. The result is very effective, providing more even colour to the printed page and thus rendering it more conducive to diff --git a/src/pages/p0186.tex b/src/pages/p0186.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0e757f4 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0186.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 186 — printed page 184 — plate 78 +\plateop{184}{78}{plates/p0186.png}{VF1: type specimen; V. \& J. Figgins, \emph{Epitome of Specimens} (London, c. 1870)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0187.tex b/src/pages/p0187.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1e17a2f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0187.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 187 — printed page 185 — plate 79 +\plateop{185}{79}{plates/p0187.png}{Title page; V. \& J. Figgins, \emph{New Specimens; Oriental Types} (London, 1884)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0188.tex b/src/pages/p0188.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..900f2bf --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0188.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 188 — printed page 186 — plate 80 (caption's quote is unclosed in the original) +\plateop{186}{80}{plates/p0188.png}{VF1; `Bengali on Pica Body; \emph{New Specimens}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0189.tex b/src/pages/p0189.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f332873 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0189.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 189 — printed page 187 — plate 81 +\plateop{187}{81}{plates/p0189.png}{Enlargements of VF1} diff --git a/src/pages/p0190.tex b/src/pages/p0190.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..69b4148 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0190.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 190 — printed page 188 — Chapter 5 (cont.) +% two handwritten corrections adopted: `n' inserted in typed `idigenous' and +% `m' inserted in typed `accomodate' (logged in QUESTIONS.md) +\origpage{188}continuous reading. It is perhaps less readable to the learner of Bengali (for whom most of the founts produced in England were intended),\fn{38}{See below, pp. 196-7.} but it demonstrates that the Figgins fount could be used as a text face for native consumption. Its precision, however, betrays its European origins. The previous failure to identify Bengalee No. VI, `Pica Bengalee', and `Bengali on Pica Body' as the same fount illustrates the different effects created by the manner in which type is used. It underlines the importance of the art of typography in deriving the maximum benefit from a fount of type.\fn{39}{As defined by Stanley Morison, see above, p. 63.} + +An undated broadsheet entitled \emph{Pica Bengali; V \& J Figgins} was issued separately\fn{40}{See pl. 82.} and gives the synopsis of the Figgins fount. 370 sorts are listed; considerably fewer than the customary 500 sorts of indigenous Bengali typefoundries,\fn{41}{See below, chapter 7.} hence the inclusion of subscripts and superscripts for use in less frequent combinations. A number of sorts marked \emph{k} appear to be duplicates. These are sorts cast specifically to kern with others, as in the case of vowel signs with base characters. The repertoire of conjuncts, including those with \emph{raphalā,} is impressive; it is also interesting to observe the range of ligatures (consonants with vowels) that have been designed in their more orthodox forms, thereby limiting the occurrence of the more unwieldy subscripts. Types cast of this fount by the Oxford University Press which still survive\fn{42}{Some of which can be seen in pls. 83 and 84. These were obviously cast at a later date. OUP in its switch to photocomposition is disposing of the majority of the metal types; some non-Latin types have been preserved, and the larger part of the surviving founts are being transferred to the St Bride Printing Library.} show the sorts cast at different body-sizes to accommodate superscripts and subscripts, as the proofs of the packets of spare types confirm.\fn{43}{See pls. 83 and 84.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0191.tex b/src/pages/p0191.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4efbe3f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0191.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 191 — printed page 189 — plate 82 +\plateop{189}{82}{plates/p0191.png}{VF1: (reduced by 20\%)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0192.tex b/src/pages/p0192.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fd75e06 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0192.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 192 — printed page 190 — plate 83 +\plateop{190}{83}{plates/p0192.png}{VF1: proof of OUP types (1)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0193.tex b/src/pages/p0193.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d94bd3d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0193.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 193 — printed page 191 — plate 84 +\plateop{191}{84}{plates/p0193.png}{VF1: proof of OUP types (2)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0194.tex b/src/pages/p0194.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..95b92ab --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0194.tex @@ -0,0 +1,14 @@ +% PDF page 194 — printed page 192 — Chapter 5 (cont.) +\origpage{192}There can be no certainty that Figgins cut the punches of VF1 himself. Vincent Figgins II's description of the difficulties in completing the Greek fount for the Oxford University Press indicates his father's dependence on others for punchcutting: + +\begin{extract} +The then Delegates of that Press \ldots\ suggested that Mr Figgins should finish the fount himself.\ldots\ But when he had undertaken this work, the difficulty presented itself that he did not know where to find the punch-cutter. No one knew his address; but he was supposed to be a tall man, who came in a mysterious way occasionally, whose name no one knew, but he went by the \emph{sobriquet} of \emph{`The Black Man'}. This old gentleman, a very clever mechanic, lived to be a pensioner on my father's bounty, - gratitude is, perhaps, a better word.\fn{44}{William Caxton, \emph{The Game of the Chesse,} facsimile rpt, (London, 1855), `Remarks' by Vincent Figgins II, p. 2, n. [1]. Jackson had to learn the art by spying through a hole in the wainscot; see above, chapter 4.} +\end{extract} + +The prolificity of his work suggests that Figgins employed more than one punchcutter. His contemporary, Thomas C. Hansard wrote: + +\begin{extract} +The number of punches necessary to complete a \emph{fount,} or every sort used is very great \ldots. An artist of the greatest industry could not cut more than two in a day. After they are completed for the ordinary number \ldots\ it will take a founder six months in matrix-making, justifying, mould making, casting, dressing, \&c before he could deliver anything complete for printing; but it should be remarked, that these materials being once perfected, are of everlasting duration.\fn{45}{Royal Society of Arts, \emph{Report of the Committee of the Society \&c. Relative to the Mode of Preventing the Forgery of Banknotes} (London, 1819), pp. 28-29. Hansard was referring to the cutting of Diamond type (c. 3 point, see chapter 10), but the same holds true for most founts, and renders Charles Wilkins's claims all the more incredible (see chapter 1).} +\end{extract} + +Moreover, a copy of the 1815 type specimen book issued by Vincent Figgins reveals the names of several punchcutters employed by Figgins: pencilled notes appear to be contemporary with its publication; and the provenance of the copy is most probably the Figgins foundry. But neither the identity of the `Black Man', nor that of VF1's punchcutter has been established.\fn{46}{Wolpe, \emph{Figgins Type Specimen} p. 30.} Nevertheless Vincent Figgins appears to have been responsible for the original designs which emerged from his type foundry. As Wolpe says, `Even if Vincent Figgins diff --git a/src/pages/p0195.tex b/src/pages/p0195.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a5196b1 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0195.tex @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +% PDF page 195 — printed page 193 — Chapter 5 (cont.) +% handwritten `a' inserted in typed `availble'; adopted (logged in QUESTIONS.md) +\origpage{193}employed or commissioned other punchcutters to produce the types, his was the controlling spirit'.\fn{47}{Wolpe, ibid.} + +There is no evidence that the VF1 was cut for a particular purpose. Its earliest known use in England did not take place until seventeen years after Figgins's death.\fn{48}{Vincent Figgins died in 1844.} In 1861 Stephen Austin III,\fn{49}{Stephen Austin II died in 1845.} in his capacity as printer to the Company at Haileybury College,\fn{50}{Formerly called East-India College.} employed this fount to print \emph{A Grammar of the Bengali Language} by Duncan Forbes. In this imprint Austin has used generous leading - as is suitable for students of the Bengali language\fn{51}{Hence Khan's assumption that it was an earlier version; see pl. 85.} - and has taken advantage of the quite extensive range of conjuncts and ligatures available to him. An interesting typographical note is given in the preface to the \emph{Grammar} by Forbes: + +\begin{extract} +The mark \emph{rephaa} \ig{plates/inline/p0195-p01.png} or top \emph{r}, is very liable to break off in the working of the press; and the same remark applies to the slender top of the long \emph{i} \ig{plates/inline/p0195-p02.png} , which then becomes long \emph{ā} \ig{plates/inline/p0195-p03.png} . The reader will, I trust, have the charity to hold the author blameless in such cases.\fn{52}{Duncan Forbes, \emph{A Grammar of the Bengali Language} (London, 1861), page headed `Errata'.} +\end{extract} + +Stephen Austin continued to use this fount for subsequent editions of Forbes's Bengali grammar. It was also employed for Forbes's \emph{The Bengali Reader} (1862) which contains selections originally compiled by Haughton.\fn{53}{It being a new and revised edition of Haughton's \emph{Bengali Selections} (London, 1822).} These selections which also employ the wider leading show up deficiencies in the Figgins fount that the tighter setting and shorter length type specimens fail to reveal. They primarily concern the weight distribution, the unevenness of which is well illustrated by the adjacent words \ig{plates/inline/p0195-p04.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0195-p05.png} on page 36.\fn{54}{See pl. 86.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0196.tex b/src/pages/p0196.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..489e72c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0196.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 196 — printed page 194 — plate 85 +\plateop{194}{85}{plates/p0196.png}{VF1 printed by Stephen Austin; Duncan Forbes, \emph{A Grammar of the Bengālī Language} (London, 1861)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0197.tex b/src/pages/p0197.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3a800a1 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0197.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 197 — printed page 195 — plate 86 +\plateop{195}{86}{plates/p0197.png}{VF1: Bengali text; Duncan Forbes, ed., \emph{The Bengali Reader} (London, 1862)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0198.tex b/src/pages/p0198.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2cf5193 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0198.tex @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +% PDF page 198 — printed page 196 — Chapter 5 (cont.) +\origpage{196}It is interesting to observe that Stephen Austin did not make use of the Bengali types prepared by Richard Watts, his predecessor as printer to the Company. The reasons can only be speculative. Vincent Figgins I and Richard Watts were contemporaries,\fn{55}{They died the same year: 1844.} so it would appear that both founts were available to Stephen Austin in 1861. Perhaps Austin considered Watts's Bengali fount ill-suited for his purpose. As a printer he was selective about his choice of founts: in 1847 he elected to use Figgins's Paragon Sanskrit types for printing his first Oriental book, the \emph{Hitopadeśa,}\fn{56}{Francis Johnson, [ed.], \emph{Hitopadeśa. The Sanskrit Text} \ldots\ (London, 1847).} yet Watts's Devanagari types were employed for \emph{The Baital-Pachisi,}\fn{57}{Duncan Forbes, [ed.] \emph{The Baital-Pachisi} (London, 1857).} in the preface of which Forbes declared: + +\begin{extract} +The work is printed in Mr Watts's large type, unquestionably the finest and most \emph{Oriental} specimen of Devanagari yet cast in Europe.\fn{58}{Forbes, ibid., p. viii.} +\end{extract} + +Austin's disinclination to use Watts's Bengali types may be indicative of his professionalism as a printer; a professionalism which gained him the first-class medal prize for `Impressions Typographiques' in 1855 at the Paris exhibition, and `the presentation \ldots\ of gold medals by her Majesty the Queen and the Empress of the French'.\fn{59}{Frederick Danvers, et al, \emph{Memorials of Old Haileybury College} (London, 1894), p. 226 (quoting from the \emph{Hertfordshire Mercury} 28 May 1892). These medals are shown in Stephen Austin \& Sons [\emph{Specimens of Oriental and Other Types}] (Hertford, [1885]).} There is no evidence that Watts's Bengali fount was used for any Haileybury College imprint. From 1811 Charles Wilkins's fourth Bengali fount (CW4) had become the customary fount for printing Bengali in England until it was superseded by VF1 in 1861,\fn{60}{No evidence of VF1's use in England prior to this has emerged.} when Duncan Forbes noted: + +\begin{extract} +Forty years ago, a Bengali Professorship was established at Haileybury College for the benefit of young Civilians destined for the Bengal Presidency. Some fifteen years +% the quotation continues on the next page — closed in p0199.tex diff --git a/src/pages/p0199.tex b/src/pages/p0199.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..abc94cc --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0199.tex @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +% PDF page 199 — printed page 197 — Chapter 5 (cont.); closes the Forbes quotation +\origpage{197}later, Professor WILSON, the Oriental Examiner, substituted Sanskrit for the Bengali - a measure, the wisdom of which I never could perceive: hence, for the last quarter of a century, seldom, if ever, has a single Bengali book been written, printed, or read in any part of Europe.\fn{61}{Forbes, \emph{Grammar of the Bengali Language,} p. vi.} +\end{extract} + +VF1 was adopted by the Oxford University Press,\fn{62}{e.g. for printing John Beames's \emph{Grammar of the Bengali Language} (Oxford, 1891). See case lays: pl. 87.} until, due to the mechanization of typefounding and composition, it was replaced by the Monotype Series 470. \fn{63}{See below, chapter 9.} The Oxford University Press also acquired a number of founts produced by Watts\fn{64}{See \emph{List of Ancient and Modern Greek and Oriental Founts at the University Press, Oxford} (Oxford, 1959).} who has been described as `one of the most important founders of exotic types, being responsible for Syriac, Irish and a number of Orientals'.\fn{65}{Moran, \emph{Stephen Austin}, p. 26.} It is, however, difficult to establish which founts Richard Watts cut or designed himself. + +Watts was appointed printer to the University of Cambridge in 1802. In conjunction with a London printer named Andrew Wilson, he was instrumental in implementing the stereotyping process, developed by Lord Stanhope, for the duplication of Bibles and prayer books at the University.\fn{66}{S.C. Roberts, \emph{A History of the Cambridge University Press 1521-1921} (Cambridge, 1921), pp. 122-3.} In 1808 charges were set out in a pamphlet entitled, \emph{Facts and Observations Relative to the State of the University Press,} alleging that Watts as University printer had shown no profit for the previous five years in comparison to an average annual profit of fifteen hundred pounds several years prior to his appointment. Watts published a \emph{Reply,}\fn{67}{Richard Watts, \emph{Reply of R. Watts to the Report of Dr Milner and Mr Wood, Relative to the University Press Affairs} (Cambridge, 1809).} but he resigned\fn{68}{With the hope of being re-appointed; R. Watts, \emph{Supplement to R. Watts' Reply} [bound in the same volume].} at the setting up of an enquiry into the affair. It has been said that at Cambridge `no books of great importance seem to have been printed by Watts'.\fn{69}{Roberts, \emph{Cambridge University Press}, p. 127.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0200.tex b/src/pages/p0200.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8678870 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0200.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 200 — printed page 198 — plate 87 +\plateop{198}{87}{plates/p0200.png}{Oxford University Press: Bengali case lays} diff --git a/src/pages/p0201.tex b/src/pages/p0201.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6870b37 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0201.tex @@ -0,0 +1,14 @@ +% PDF page 201 — printed page 199 — Chapter 5 (cont.) +\origpage{199}After his resignation from Cambridge, Watts moved to Broxbourne and then to London in 1816. By this time he had not only been appointed printer to the East India Company, but he also undertook work for the British and Foreign Bible Society. It was in this latter capacity that he appears to have developed most of his founts including one for Bengali composition. A broadsheet printed after his death by his son, William Mavor Watts, displays sixty-seven languages `principally prepared by the late Mr R. Watts'.\fn{70}{W.M. Watts, \emph{Oriental and Other Types in Sixty-seven Languages or Dialects} \ldots\ (London, [1851]). See pl. 88.} A type specimen booklet issued circa 1862 by William Mavor Watts is equally ambiguous concerning the exact nature of his father's involvement in the production of the founts. Under the heading `Oriental and other Types exhibited in class 28 of the International Exhibition, 1862, by W. M. Watts', he stated: + +\begin{extract} +These Types were principally prepared by the late Mr R. WATTS, at a very considerable outlay, with a view more especially of printing the Scriptures and works of a similar nature.\fn{71}{W.M. Watts, \emph{Specimens of Oriental and Other Types} (London, [1862]), p. 3. pl. 89.} +\end{extract} + +The origins of some of the founts are given, but not the Bengali which perhaps is intended to be encompassed by the statement: + +\begin{extract} +Many other portions of the Specimens may claim originality, as they have generally been prepared by learned men in spreading the truth of God's Holy Book throughout the world.\fn{72}{Watts, ibid., p. 4.} +\end{extract} + +Claims to authenticity of design, however, are perhaps prejudiced by the unpleasant portrait painted by Charles Manby Smith of `an externally and intrinsically dirty beast' who can be identified as Richard Watts.\fn{73}{[Charles Manby Smith] \emph{The Working Man's Way in the World} (London, 1857). See also Nowell Smith for a discussion as to whether Manby Smith was a `witness of truth'; S. Nowell Smith, `Charles Manby Smith: Family and Friends, His Fantasies and Fabrications', \emph{Journal of the Printing Historical Society} No. 7, 1972, pp. 1- 28.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0202.tex b/src/pages/p0202.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..40cfa99 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0202.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 202 — printed page 200 — plate 88 +\plateop{200}{88}{plates/p0202.png}{Specimen of Bengali types produced by Richard Watts (RW1); W.M. Watts, \emph{Oriental and Other Types in Sixty-Seven Languages or Dialects} (London [1851])} diff --git a/src/pages/p0203.tex b/src/pages/p0203.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..134ce72 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0203.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 203 — printed page 201 — plate 89 +\plateop{201}{89}{plates/p0203.png}{RW1: Bengali translation of Acts II.8; W.M. Watts, \emph{Specimens of Oriental and Other Types} (London, [1862])} diff --git a/src/pages/p0204.tex b/src/pages/p0204.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4037efa --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0204.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 204 — printed page 202 — Chapter 5 (cont.) +\origpage{202}The Bengali fount attributed to Watts shows a move away from Wilkins's designs. It has not been possible to determine whether this fount was produced after Figgins's Bengali fount and, if so, whether Watts had sight of the latter. Nevertheless the style of Watts's Bengali (RW1) bears some resemblance to VF1, and to the products of his colleagues in Calcutta, who were also printing for the BFBS. Watts's attempt, however, is inferior to any of these, and to his Devanagari types.\fn{74}{His `Sanskrits were produced from drawings furnished for the express purpose by the late Professor Wilson'; Watts, \emph{Specimens of Oriental and Other Types}, p. 4.} The small type height of RW1 in comparison to CW4 is more suited to Bible and prayer book setting, but it possesses neither the rough but harmonious charm of Wilkins's fount nor the homogeneity and polish of Figgins's fount. Owing to the nature of the Bengali script, it is difficult to assess a typeface from just two lines of text as given in the 1851 broadsheet. Later samples of this fount reveal more of its nature.\fn{75}{See below; although later samples probably show the work of different hands.} + +The difference of one decade between the 1851 broadsheet and the 1862 specimen book shows no change in the fount or the setting. The text is taken from Acts II. 8 of the Bible. On 15 January 1862 the Editorial Sub-Committee of the British and Foreign Bible Society suggested reprinting the specimen but substituting the text with John III. 16.\fn{76}{Noted by Kathleen Cann in her unpublished note, \emph{The Gospel in Many Tongues} (Cambridge, [1986]), p. [1]; A copy is held at the St Bride Printing Library.} William Watts's response, recorded in the minutes of the Depository and Printing Sub-Committee of the BFBS, provides an indication of the status of Oriental founts in his type foundry and printing office: + +\begin{extract} +In reply to your inquiry, I beg to observe that the texts in various languages were prepared by us principally for advertizing purposes, and we have given the Society the use of the forms,\fn{77}{Probably means formes; `forme' has been defined as `typematter or type and blocks with its accompanying spacing material secured in the frame called a chase'; Linotype, \emph{Printing Terms}, p. 17.} the subject having been deemed interesting. +\end{extract} diff --git a/src/pages/p0205.tex b/src/pages/p0205.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f9a40cf --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0205.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 205 — printed page 203 — Chapter 5 (cont.) +\origpage{203}\begin{extract} +We had much difficulty to procure editors to the various dialects, at least such as to insure [\emph{sic}] accuracy, and the expense of casting, arrangement etc. is unknown, as the specimen was in hand for months. + +Many of the characters have been specially prepared; for although we possess the matrices etc., of most of the orientals, the founts of type have in some instances been sent abroad. Should therefore a fresh text be selected, new types must in some cases be cast.\fn{78}{DSPC 10 February 1862: vol. 6, p. 190; quoted in Cann, \emph{The Gospel in Many Tongues,} p. [1].} +\end{extract} + +As a result, the same text continued to be used. Watts did publish \emph{Our Lord's Prayer in One Hundred Different Languages} (c. 1869) for `the benefit of the Poor Cretan Refugees now in Greece' giving a more comprehensive example of RW1 which is also employed with the addition of a few sorts for the Assamese translation. The uninspiring design of the RW1 does not improve upon further analysis. It shows itself to be lacking in direction, as if the designer took various unrelated elements from other typestyles and merged them into one fount producing a disjointed effect: compare the cramped \ig{plates/inline/p0205-q01.png} with the confident and open \ig{plates/inline/p0205-q02.png} . On the other hand, as suggested above in William Watts's response to the DPSC, the fount may simply reflect the combined work of more than one person undertaken at different times, additional sorts having been cut after his father's death for new compositions. Line three of the Bengali contains an orthographical error: \ig{plates/inline/p0205-q03.png} instead of \ig{plates/inline/p0205-q04.png} for \ig{plates/inline/p0205-q05.png} . This specimen shows two versions of the character \ig{plates/inline/p0205-q06.png} for no apparent reason.\fn{79}{See pl. 90.} + +In March 1870 a fire broke out at William Watts's printing office. The fire, vividly reported in the \emph{London, Provincial, and Colonial Press News,} destroyed his new premises comprising `lofty buildings of five storeys' and, amongst other items, much of the type used to print \emph{Our Lord's Prayer in a 100 Languages}. The entire stock of punches and matrices for reproducing them, diff --git a/src/pages/p0206.tex b/src/pages/p0206.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c5e6236 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0206.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 206 — printed page 204 — plate 90 +\plateop{204}{90}{plates/p0206.png}{RW1: Bengali translation; \emph{Our Lord's Prayer in One Hundred Different Languages} (London, c. 1869)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0207.tex b/src/pages/p0207.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..05bad06 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0207.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 207 — printed page 205 — Chapter 5 (cont.) +\origpage{205}however, had been preserved.\fn{80}{\emph{The London, Provincial, and Colonial Press News} No. 52, vol. V for 1870: 16 Apr 1870, p. 28.} Watts's business did not survive the destruction of the printing office: most of the surviving material was acquired by Gilbert and Rivington. Since the plates\fn{81}{By this time stereo plates were normally used to reproduce already composed matter.} for printing `The Gospel in Many Tongues' had been destroyed in the fire, the Editorial Sub-Committee resolved to change the text,\fn{82}{On 29 Mar 1871; Cann, \emph{The Gospel in Many Tongues}, p. [1].} as previously desired, to St John III. 16. The new setting appeared in 1872 and in a new specimen book issued by Gilbert and Rivington in 1873. Another specimen book was published in 1878 with the same setting of Bengali, but with the addition of `Mussulman Bengali' and Assamese which show further idiosyncrasies of RW1.\fn{83}{See pl. 91. Although this fount is in fact a revision, it will continue to be called RW1, since it is not possible to identify when revised or additional sorts were incorporated, nor who was their author.} One example is the reduced head of \ig{plates/inline/p0207-r01.png} in \ig{plates/inline/p0207-r02.png} in comparison to \ig{plates/inline/p0207-r03.png} . Such treatment can be understood if the designer was constrained by the desire to maintain an optically uniform stroke length for \ig{plates/inline/p0207-r04.png} throughout the typeface, but this approach is contradicted by the character \ig{plates/inline/p0207-r05.png} . The new sample suggests that the linguistic aspects of the script were not considered when completing the fount. It is curious that \ig{plates/inline/p0207-r06.png} should not number among the conjuncts designed as individual sorts, or at least exist in a form with a reduced stem to join with the oversized subscribed \ig{plates/inline/p0207-r07.png} . + +Gilbert and Rivington's 1880 imprint, \emph{Specimens of Foreign Types,} uses the Lord's Prayer as its text for displaying the different scripts.\fn{84}{See pl. 92.} The Bengali translation is identical to that previously published by William Watts, but the orthographical error has been corrected and only the smaller version of \ig{plates/inline/p0207-r08.png} makes its appearance. The sort \ig{plates/inline/p0207-r09.png} has been remodelled and better spaced, as has the ligature \ig{plates/inline/p0207-r10.png} . The imprint is prefaced with a notice revealing the diff --git a/src/pages/p0208.tex b/src/pages/p0208.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..131513a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0208.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 208 — printed page 206 — plate 91 +\plateop{206}{91}{plates/p0208.png}{RW1: `Bengali' and `Mussulman-Bengali' translation of St John III.16; \emph{The Gospel in Many Tongues} (London, 1872)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0209.tex b/src/pages/p0209.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..39b2a82 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0209.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 209 — printed page 207 — plate 92 +\plateop{207}{92}{plates/p0209.png}{Fig. 1. RW1: `English Bengali'\\ Fig. 2. RW1: `English Assamese'; Gilbert \& Rivington, \emph{Specimens of Foreign Types} (London, 1880)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0210.tex b/src/pages/p0210.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5baa196 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0210.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 210 — printed page 208 — Chapter 5 (cont.) +\origpage{208}competitive nature of Oriental typesetting prevalent in Europe during the nineteenth century.\fn{85}{See below.} The notice boasts that this catalogue `represents the enterprises of a Firm which may fairly claim to be unrivalled in England, perhaps in the world, for its capability in executing Oriental Printing at home, and in supplying Oriental Types to Printers abroad'.\fn{86}{Gilbert \& Rivington, \emph{Specimens of Foreign Types} (London, 1880), p. 2.} + +In 1891 Gilbert and Rivington published \emph{The Lord's Prayer in Three Hundred Languages} containing RW1 in Bengali and Assamese. The increase in the number of specimens of foreign-language setting suggests that Oriental printing and typefounding in Europe, or at least in England, was becoming more viable as a commercial enterprise. Reinhold Rost, on behalf of Gilbert and Rivington, made the point: + +\begin{extract} +While in Russia, France, and Austria, the great Oriental Printing Establishments are largely subsidized by the respective Governments, Messrs Gilbert and Rivington have, unaided, brought together a profusion of type of almost any Eastern \qslip{tounge}: and they deserve the recognition of the public at large for the material aid they have for a quarter of a century been rendering in furthering the intercourse between this country and the East.\fn{87}{Gilbert \& Rivington, \emph{Lord's Prayer in Three Hundred Languages} (London, 1891), Preface, [p. iv]; see pl. 93.} +\end{extract} + +A `new and enlarged' edition of \emph{The Lord's Prayer in Five Hundred Languages} printed by Gilbert and Rivington appeared in 1905, and it is from this point that the authenticity of the designs is open to question, for the introduction of the practices of electrotyping and stereotyping adopted in the nineteenth century invited plagiarism.\fn{88}{Discussed below, see chapter 6.} The showing of a new Bengali fount in this volume merits interest as an indication of Bengali type design tending towards the more indigenous style of founts.\fn{89}{See pl. 94 and chapters 3ii and 7.} The authorship of its design, however, remains unknown; it cannot be attributed to Gilbert and Rivington. Equally, the type face specimens published by the firm William Clowes \& Sons, who took over diff --git a/src/pages/p0211.tex b/src/pages/p0211.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3aa9d52 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0211.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 211 — printed page 209 — plate 93 +\plateop{209}{93}{plates/p0211.png}{RW1: Bengali translation; Gilbert \& Rivington, \emph{The Lord's Prayer in Three Hundred Languages} (London, 1891)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0212.tex b/src/pages/p0212.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5546cde --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0212.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 212 — printed page 210 — plate 94 +\plateop{210}{94}{plates/p0212.png}{Bengali translation; Gilbert \& Rivington, \emph{The Lord's Prayer in Five Hundred Languages} (London, 1905)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0213.tex b/src/pages/p0213.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..344306d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0213.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 213 — printed page 211 — Chapter 5 (end) +\origpage{211}Gilbert \& Rivington in 1908,\fn{90}{See \emph{The British Printer}, 20, 118 (Aug-Sept, 1920), p. 215 and pl. 95.} cannot be regarded as original designs, or even new settings. From 1903 the printing of \emph{The Gospel in Many Tongues} for the BFBS was taken on by Oxford University Press, and thus RW1 was replaced by Figgins's `Pica Bengalee' for representing the Bengali language in subsequent editions of this continually-expanding work. The 1965 edition of 875 languages still gives this fount.\fn{91}{See pl. 96.} + +VF1 and RW1 show the emergence of non-Latin fount production undertaken in England on a commercial basis and the introduction of the professional hand to Indian vernacular typefounding.\fn{92}{Charles Wilkins and William Carey had begun as amateurs.} The successful use of Figgins's fount at the presses of the Baptist Missionaries, Stephen Austin, and the University of Oxford, in the hands of trained compositors and printers,\fn{93}{One of Austins's employees, Napoleon Newton, spent more than ten years studying Sanskrit, Persian, and other languages at Haileybury College; Moran, \emph{Stephen Austin}, p. 38.} indicate a recognition of the importance of linguistic knowledge in the field of non-Latin type design, typefounding, and printing. Unlike Jackson, Figgins succeeded in reconciling the linguistic demands of the Bengali script with the art of typefounding. The quality of VF1's printed image compensates, in part, for the design being somewhat less imaginative than other contemporary Bengali founts, and explains why this fount remained in use long after the death of its progenitor. Vincent Figgins's fount of Bengali types saw over one century of use. diff --git a/src/pages/p0214.tex b/src/pages/p0214.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..038bccb --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0214.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 214 — printed page 212 — plate 95 +\plateop{212}{95}{plates/p0214.png}{William Clowes and Sons Ltd, \emph{Some Specimens of the Roman, Oriental and Foreign Types} (London, c. 1915)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0215.tex b/src/pages/p0215.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..45db41b --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0215.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 215 — printed page 213 — plate 96 +\plateop{213}{96}{plates/p0215.png}{VF1: Bengali translation; The British and Foreign Bible Society, \emph{The Gospel in Many Tongues; Specimens of 875 languages} (London 1965)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0216.tex b/src/pages/p0216.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cd45910 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0216.tex @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +% PDF page 216 — printed page 214 — Chapter 6 opens +\chapnum{Chapter 6}{European Typefoundries} +\origpage{214}The production of oriental or `exotic' types by European typefoundries since the mid-fifteenth century has been documented in authoritative histories of printing.\fn{1}{For instance, by H.D.L. Vervliet, A. Jammes, S.H. Steinberg, D.B. Updike, Colin Clair, and others.} Unfortunately, much of the material upon which the historians have based their writings is either no longer available or currently inaccessible. Furthermore, the reliability of some accounts is questionable,\fn{2}{e.g. James Moran erroneously refers to Halhed's \emph{Grammar} as having been printed with Sanskrit types: \emph{Stephen Austin of Hertford} (London, 1968), p. 24.} and there is no assurance that the terms oriental or `exotic' refer to types other than Hebrew, Arabic, or even Greek,\fn{3}{In volume II of the 1818 edition of Giambattista Bodoni's \emph{Manuale Tipografico} (Parma), exhibits over 60 Greek typestyles.} or whether the founts in question represent original designs, stolen matrices, or overt copies. The matter is further complicated by the fact that the histories of oriental founts issued by letterfoundries in Italy, France, and Austria are inextricably intertwined. + +The press and foundry of the Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide in Rome was established in 1626 expressly to foster missionary activities. As such, a large part of its enterprise was concentrated upon the acquisition and production of founts of foreign scripts. Thus it acquired some of the oriental types from the Stamperia Medicea\fn{4}{Which possessed a number of Arabic founts whose designs are attributable to Robert Granjon; see Hendrik D.L. Vervliet, \emph{Cyrillic and Oriental Typography in Rome at the end of the Sixteenth Century} (Berkeley, 1981), pp. 23-39; and Harry Carter, ed., \emph{Sixteenth Century French Typefounders: The Le Bé Memorandum} (Paris, 1967), p. 44, n. 38 and pp. 44-47, n. 42.} and also the `exotic' founts of the Vatican Press,\fn{5}{The Stamperia Vaticana was founded in 1587 by Sixtus V. It united with the Tipografia Camerale in 1609 (A. Bertoletti `Le Tipografie Orientali e gli Orientalisti a Roma nei Secoli XVI e XVII', [Extract from \emph{Revista-Europea}, and re-paginated] (Florence, 1878), p. 31); and with the Propaganda Fide in 1910 (\emph{The Catholic Encyclopedia}, Vol. 15 (New York, 1912), p. 302).} which included Hebrew, Greek, Syriac-Serto, Arabic, and Cyrillic. A number of these founts are shown in the 1628 specimen book published in Rome: \emph{Indice de Caratteri, con l'Inventori, \& nomi di essi, essistenti nella Stampa Vaticana,} diff --git a/src/pages/p0217.tex b/src/pages/p0217.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b25529a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0217.tex @@ -0,0 +1,9 @@ +% PDF page 217 — printed page 215 — Chapter 6 (cont.) +\origpage{215}\emph{\& Camerale}. Indian scripts, however, are represented only by a woodcut entitled `Alphabetum Indorum'.\fn{6}{Possibly of \erratum{Portuguese}{Portugese} origin; see pl. 97.} + +It was under the direction of Ruggeri\fn{7}{Stefano Paolini was its first director. Ruggeri, who trained Bodoni, committed suicide in November 1782.} and his successor Amaduzzi during the second half of the eighteenth century that the Propaganda Fide flourished. In Amaduzzi's time the Propaganda Fide is estimated to have possessed founts of forty-four languages, some of which are displayed in a 1773 publication entitled \emph{Catalogus Librorum qui ex Tipographio Sacrae Congreg. de Propaganda Fide variis linguis prodierunt.}\fn{8}{Updike, \emph{Printing Types}, I, p. 182.} It has not been possible to locate or view this imprint, but no account of it mentions the existence of Indian founts. One exception is the `Malabarice'\fn{9}{Usually a quasi-Malayalam script, but in this case it is more akin to Syriac.} fount displayed in \emph{Parentalia in Anniversario Funere Mariae Clementinae Magnae Britanniae \&c. Reginae.}\fn{10}{Of Filippo d'Azon (Rome, 1736), p. 34.} A type specimen book published much later by the press, \emph{Specimen Characterum Typographei} (Rome, 1843), includes both a `Brahmanica' and a `Malabarica' fount but no Bengali designs. + +The success of the Propaganda Fide was, however, curtailed at the close of the eighteenth century by the activities of the French Directory who sought to enrich France with the matrices of foreign types;\fn{11}{In 1798; Updike, \emph{Printing Types}, I, p. 183.} a practice continued by Napoleon, as Duprat described: + +\begin{extract} +Toutefois, le vainqueur de l'Italie, usant du droit que donne la conquête, avait fait enlever, en 1798, de l'imprimerie de la Propagande, à Rome, et, en 1811, de celle des Médicis, à Florence, des collections de poinçons de caractères arabes, barmans, coptes, diff --git a/src/pages/p0218.tex b/src/pages/p0218.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f95e6bd --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0218.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 218 — printed page 216 — plate 97 +\plateop{216}{97}{plates/p0218.png}{Woodcut `Alphabetum Indorum'; H.D.L. Vervliet, ed., \emph{Type Specimen of the Vatican Press 1628}, facsimile rpt (Amsterdam, 1967)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0219.tex b/src/pages/p0219.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..414c3e2 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0219.tex @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +% PDF page 219 — printed page 217 — Chapter 6 (cont.); the French extract closes +\origpage{217}éthiopiens, malabars, persans, samaritains, syriaques et tibétains, gravés au XVIe siècle par les soins de ces ardents propagateurs de la foi, et dont il enrichit le dépôt typique de l'Imprimerie impériale.\fn{12}{F.A. Duprat, \emph{Histoire de L'Imprimerie Impériale de France} (Paris, 1861), pp. 259-260.} +\end{extract} + +The Imprimerie Impériale\fn{13}{Whose foundation dates back to 1640.} was eager to utilize its collection of plundered matrices, electing to honour the visit of Pope Pius VII to Paris in 1805 \fn{14}{For Napoleon's coronation.} by the publication \emph{Oratio Dominica CL Linguis Versa, Et Propriis Cujusque Linguae Characteribus Plerumque Expressa,} edited by J.J. Marcel. This imprint contains 150 translations of the Lord's Prayer. Ironically, or perhaps deliberately, many of the items were printed with founts taken from the Pope's own foundry. Indian translations included Sanskrit, Gujarati, Marathi, and Bengali, but all were set in the Latin script. Furthermore, some of the texts printed in the vernacular scripts were not composed by means of single type but were copperplate impressions, as Giambattista Bodoni remarked in his work of a similar title published the following year.\fn{15}{\emph{Oratio Dominica in CLV Linguas Versa et Exoticis Characteribus Plerumque Expressa} (Parma, 1806), pp. xi-xii.} + +Bodoni's \emph{Oratio Dominica,} printed at Parma was specifically designed to improve upon the earlier imprint,\fn{16}{Supposedly at the suggestion of Pius VII; Colin Clair, \emph{A History of European Printing} (London, 1976), p. 330.} but not with a view to improving the quality of the translations, many of which were taken from the same source and whose correctness he did not question: + +\begin{extract} +Cependant, malgre tous ces avantages, l'edition de Paris ne contenant pas le Chaldeen, le Syriaque, le Phenicien, le Palmyrien, le Brachman, le Malabare ou Samskrete, le Thibetain, le Georgien, l'Etrusque, l'Illyrien, l'Hebraique-Theutonique, le Gothique d'Ulphylas et le Punique, et me trouvant avoir tous ces caracteres exotiques \ldots\ je concus l'idee d'en faire une plus complette, et me decidai a tenter cette entreprise aussi difficile que longue.\fn{17}{Bodoni, \emph{Oratio Dominica}, p. v.} +\end{extract} diff --git a/src/pages/p0220.tex b/src/pages/p0220.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..bb07da4 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0220.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 220 — printed page 218 — Chapter 6 (cont.) +\origpage{218}Bodoni's ambitious work dedicated to Eugène Napoléon was set entirely in movable metal types all of his own design.\fn{18}{`die erste Sammlung mit beweglichen Lettern': Karl Falkenstein, \emph{Geschichte der Buchdruckerkunst} (Leipzig, 1840), p. 29.} In this work, which also lacks Bengali types, he expresses `le desir d'être utile aux amateurs et aux cultivateurs des langues exotiques' \fn{19}{Bodoni, \emph{Oratio Dominica}, p. viii. This desire had been aroused by his first task at the Propaganda Fide, viz. the renovation of the oriental types; Clair \emph{European Printing}, p. 328.} despite the complexity of their scripts, which in the case of `Malabare' demanded 1132 matrices in comparison to 400 for Latin founts.\fn{20}{Bodoni, \emph{Oratio Dominica}, p. xi.} Bodoni's ambitions in this direction reflect the increasing interest in Orientalism prevalent in Europe during this period aroused by voyages of exploration, imperial campaigns, and `the desire to make up by missionary work in the East for the territories lost by the Roman Church in Europe'.\fn{21}{\emph{The Type Specimen of the Vatican Press 1628;} A Facsimile with an Introduction and Notes by H.D.L. Vervliet, (Amsterdam, 1967), p. 18, n. 2.} + +After France's conquest of Italy, the Propaganda Fide was never able to regain its former status. In July 1812 `the office was suppressed',\fn{22}{Updike, \emph{Printing Types}, I, p. 184.} and later that year it was ordered by the Prefect of Rome to send all its matrices to Paris. The press managed to conceal a few items presented by Bodoni and to retain some other articles, but most of the material was lost. According to Duprat,\fn{23}{Duprat, \emph{L'Imprimerie Impériale}, p. 260. This account does not accord with Updike's, but it is certainly the better documented and therefore the more credible.} Commissioners of the Tuscan Government reclaimed the Medici punches with menace in 1815. On 7 October that year they headed a detachment of Austrian troops in order to complete the task. Anisson of the Imprimerie Impériale was entreated not to offer any resistance to the removal of the punches if violence was to occur. The operation, however, was not well organized and was carried out by people lacking discernment with regard to the material they were to diff --git a/src/pages/p0221.tex b/src/pages/p0221.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..30bf3fb --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0221.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 221 — printed page 219 — Chapter 6 (cont.) +\origpage{219}collect, which happened to be stored in the same place as the punches belonging to the Imperial collection and the Propaganda Fide. In consequence, some valuable Medici punches remained in the possession of the Imprimerie Impériale, whilst a number of the \erratum{Propaganda}{Propoganda} Fide punches were taken in error.\fn{24}{There is no precise record of what was returned. Duprat's allegiances naturally lay with the French accounts of the episode. Duprat continues to use the epithet `imperiale' even after Napoleon's second abdication in June 1815, but see below, n. 27. For information regarding surviving typographic materials of the Typographia Medicea and Tipografia Poliglotta Vaticana, see James Mosley, \emph{Typefounding Materials; A List of Locations} (Privately circulated London, 1987), pp. 13 and 14.} + +In November 1815 Anisson was authorized to return to Marini, the Prefect of the Secret and Pontifical Archives of Rome, all the punches and matrices of the Propaganda Fide press that the Imprimerie Imperiale still had in its possession. Prior to fulfilling this task, Anisson took the precaution of taking `des frappes en cuivre'\fn{25}{Duprat, \emph{L'Imprimerie Impériale}, p. 261.} of all the Italian punches which he felt he could not dispense with. As a result, the Imprimerie Impériale was still able to boast in 1815 the possession of le fonds de typographie orientale le plus riche, le plus complet et le plus précieux qui existât dans le monde.\fn{26}{Duprat, ibid.} + +A specimen of Bengali types is given in the Imprimerie Royale's\fn{27}{Depending on the government of the day its name varied between the appellations: Royale, de la Republique, du Governement, Imperiale, and Nationale.} 1819 type specimen book.\fn{28}{\emph{Specimen des Caractères Vignettes, Armes, Trophées et Fleurons de l'Imprimerie Royale} (Paris, 1819). See pls. 98 and 99.} The text shown was taken from the first volume of \emph{Recherches Asiatiques} published in 1805;\fn{29}{It being the French translation of \emph{Asiatick Researches}, 1 (Calcutta, 1788).} in fact, the settings are identical. The typeface, which is simply termed `14 points' (to be termed here IR1), possesses an elegance which owes more to its resemblance to European copperplate engraving than to any affinity with Bengali calligraphy.\fn{30}{Or Bengali engraving; see chapter 7. See also chapter 10 regarding the point system.} The delicate thin strokes contrast well with the strong headline, from which the characters appear to be suspended, and with the spots of colour created by the diff --git a/src/pages/p0222.tex b/src/pages/p0222.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..521a706 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0222.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 222 — printed page 220 — plate 98 +\plateop{220}{98}{plates/p0222.png}{Bengali types of the Imprimerie Royal (IR1): \emph{Specimen des Caractères Vignettes Armes, Trophées et Fleurons de l'Imprimerie Royale} (Paris, 1819)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0223.tex b/src/pages/p0223.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..96856b5 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0223.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 223 — printed page 221 — plate 99 +\plateop{221}{99}{plates/p0223.png}{Imprimerie Royale specimen cont.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0224.tex b/src/pages/p0224.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..926e83f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0224.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 224 — printed page 222 — Chapter 6 (cont.) +\origpage{222}`roundings', vowel signs, and thickening of finial curves. The inherent fluidity of IR1 is emphasized by the repeated diagonals of such characters as \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g01.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g02.png}, and also by the absence of regimented vertical lines: the upright strokes have been splayed, or, in the case of \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g03.png} , slightly slanted. + +Close inspection, however, gives the distinct impression that whilst some characters have been handled with confidence, the structure of others has eluded the designer or punchcutter. The sorts \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g04.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g05.png} , number amongst those that have been more adroitly executed; perhaps because they possess characteristics which European engravers had previously encountered in the production of Arabic typefaces. One such characteristic is the treatment of the partial elliptical shape of the letterforms mentioned, as instanced by the \emph{waw} \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g06.png} in Guillaume II Le Bé's 1599 Arabic typeface specimen.\fn{31}{Reproduced in \emph{The Le Bé Memorandum;} see pl. 100. Naturally, the sorts are not identical, but there is a similarity in their shaping and colouring.} The same can be said of the stroke \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g07.png} which is to be found in the \emph{raphalā} \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g08.png} and the cross-stroke of \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g09.png} , and also the confident handling of the finial of \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g10.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g11.png} . Yet the treatment of \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g12.png} is rather heavy-handed and \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g13.png} is a very curious shape. + +Despite the undoubted aesthetic qualities of IR1, numerous faults are also apparent in its design. The proportions of the sorts one to another within the fount are unbalanced. The character \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g14.png} is too narrow, the internal counters of \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g15.png} , and \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g16.png} are too small in comparison to \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g17.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g18.png} . The \emph{akṣara} \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g19.png} for no evident reason has two forms; one possessing a particularly narrow counter.\fn{32}{See pl. 98, line 10.} Restricting the depth of such conjuncts as \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g20.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g21.png} has impaired their legibility. The character \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g22.png} appears condensed in \erratum{comparison}{comparision} to the generous-sized \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g23.png} . The somewhat eccentric angle of \ig{plates/inline/p0224-g24.png} , previously encountered in CW1,\fn{33}{See above, chapter 1, and pl. 16.} is probably designed to compensate for its right-hand curl, but other founts have coped satisfactorily with this element. The filling-in of the subscript vowel signs, however, is presumably calculated to add colour. diff --git a/src/pages/p0225.tex b/src/pages/p0225.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1dcd95c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0225.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 225 — printed page 223 — plate 100 +\plateop{223}{100}{plates/p0225.png}{A specimen of Guillaume II, Le Bé's Arabic type (Paris, 1599); \emph{The Le Bé Memorandum} (Paris, 1967)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0226.tex b/src/pages/p0226.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..62fc200 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0226.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 226 — printed page 224 — Chapter 6 (cont.) +\origpage{224}The spacing is not well adjusted. Problems arise with characters preceding \ig{plates/inline/p0226-h01.png} , e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0226-h02.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0226-h03.png} .\fn{34}{See pl. 98, lines 8 and 16.} The right side of \ig{plates/inline/p0226-h04.png} also fouls with \ig{plates/inline/p0226-h05.png} . Inconsistencies in spacing between the same letterforms, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0226-h06.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0226-h07.png} , suggest poor justifying of the matrices that cast the type.\fn{35}{See Joseph Moxon, \emph{Mechanick Exercises on the Whole Art of Printing} (1683-4), \emph{eds. Herbert Davis and Harry Carter, 2nd edn} (New York: London, n.d), `Justifying the Matrices', pp. 155 ff.} The very thin strokes and the tight space between the headline and the principal elements of such characters as \ig{plates/inline/p0226-h08.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0226-h09.png} , and \ig{plates/inline/p0226-h10.png} indicate that problems would arise in long printing runs, and the face would not translate well into a smaller type size without considerable redesign work to ensure legibility. However, within the context of the development of printed Bengali letterforms, the main defect of this typeface must be its overtly European appearance. + +It is curious that subsequent specimen books issued by the Cabinet des Poinçons do not include IR1 or any other fount of Bengali types. The very informative \emph{Notice sur les Types de l'Imprimerie Royale} of 1847 gives the origins of the Zend, Pehlevi, Telugu, and Burmese types, but the `14 points' Bengali is not alluded to, nor is there even an indication of its existence. A small showing of IR1 can be found in the `Typenschau' appended to Falkenstein's \emph{Geschichte der Buchdruckerkunst} in 1840.\fn{36}{Falkenstein, \emph{Buchdruckerkunst,} Appendix, see pl. 101.} Although Falkenstein was able to obtain settings of non-Latin founts in Germany,\fn{37}{Falkenstein, ibid., p. xiii.} he considered the founts of the Imprimerie Royale to be superior and therefore arranged for the `Typenschau' to be both composed and printed in Paris. + +The 1819 specimen book of the Cabinet des Poincons refers to another set of Bengali characters in 16 point, `dont il n'existait point de Fontes au I.\textsuperscript{er} Janvier 1819'. The typeface is mentioned under the designation `Samscrit' in the diff --git a/src/pages/p0227.tex b/src/pages/p0227.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..784f902 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0227.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 227 — printed page 225 — plate 101 +\plateop{225}{101}{plates/p0227.png}{IR1 specimen: `Typenschau'; Karl Falkenstein, \emph{Geschichte der Buchdruckerkunst} (Leipzig, 1840)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0228.tex b/src/pages/p0228.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..397552d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0228.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 228 — printed page 226 — Chapter 6 (cont.) +\origpage{226}section `L'Ancienne Typographie', and Fouquet is named as its engraver. He is also listed as the engraver of a number of other founts, including a 13 point Sanskrit Devanagari which he is recorded as cutting in 1805.\fn{38}{`Etat des Caracteres', \emph{Specimen des Caractères \ldots\ de l'Imprimerie Royale.}} No showing of the 16 point Bengali fount has been discovered. In the later type specimen book of 1963 issued by the Cabinet des Poinçons, reference is made to `188 poinçons en cuivre de caractère bengali, gravés en 1805 par Fouquet'.\fn{39}{\emph{Le Cabinet des Poinçons de l'Imprimerie Nationale,} 3rd edn (Paris, 1963), in the Gujarati section.} Again, no specimen of this fount is given, and there is no assurance that the characters were correctly identified as Bengali. It is likely that these were the 13 point Devanagari characters mentioned above. The confusion surrounding these founts is compounded by the fact that only 6 steel punches of the 13 point remain (in the possession of the Cabinet des Poinçons of the Imprimerie Nationale) but these are held in a box which has Fouquet's name crossed out and replaced by that of Hénaffe, who engraved a century later.\fn{40}{Information from Paul-Marie Grinevald, librarian to the Imprimerie Nationale.} + +No further information has come to light from the Imprimerie Nationale (or from other sources) regarding the career of Fouquet, the 16 point Bengali characters, or the origins of IR1. With regard to the genesis of the latter fount, there is no evidence of involvement on Fouquet's part; although he is known to have been active in cutting Bengali punches for the Imprimerie Imperiale/Royale at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Moreover, from the little evidence available, it cannot be inferred that Fouquet's skills extended beyond that of engraving: neither the design nor the punchcutting of IR1 can be attributed to him. The lack of Bengali types, as noted above, in the imprints of the Vatican and Propaganda Fide presses, as well as in Bodoni's works does not support the notion that the French fount was derived from an Italian prototype. diff --git a/src/pages/p0229.tex b/src/pages/p0229.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..283d41b --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0229.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 229 — printed page 227 — Chapter 6 (cont.) +\origpage{227}One explanation may be that the IR1 was cut solely for setting the Bengali text in the publication \emph{Recherches Asiatiques.} Wilkins's third fount of Bengali types (CW3) had been used for the original English edition, and the Imprimerie Royale's fount could be regarded as a reinterpretation of CW3. A cursory comparison of both settings of the same text\fn{41}{Which differ in their word breaks; see pls. 102 and 103. Even Falkenstein's specimen reproduces the first two lines of this text.} shows a strong resemblance between the two typefaces, principally occasioned by the adherence to the unusual proportions of CW3, as instanced by the undersized and tight \ig{plates/inline/p0229-i01.png} and the narrow internal counter of \ig{plates/inline/p0229-i02.png} . Yet IR1 is intrinsically different: note the stroke terminations of \ig{plates/inline/p0229-i03.png} , the curves of \ig{plates/inline/p0229-i04.png} , the lengthened diagonal of \ig{plates/inline/p0229-i05.png} , and the angle of \ig{plates/inline/p0229-i06.png} . In this fount Wilkins's typeforms appear to have been refined according to Western conventions of type design by a skilled artisan who was ignorant of their meaning: the errors of CW3\fn{42}{See above, chapter 1.} have been reinforced rather than removed. + +The impracticalities of the design and its markedly European appearance hardly rendered IR1 influential in the development of Bengali typography. Moreover, it is not known whether characters additional to those used in the sample were ever produced. Nevertheless its manufacture is of interest because it exemplifies the production of founts designed to serve purposes divorced from their natural function. As indicated above, it is unlikely that IR1 was conceived as a vehicle for communicating the Bengali idiom to native readers. Any demand for its economic viability was waived by a special allowance within the Imprimerie Royale's budget for unprofitable yet prestigious ventures;\fn{43}{Which required the use of Oriental characters; Charles Mortet, `France', trans. Andre Pauliau, \emph{Printing A Short History of the Art}, ed. R.A. Pedddie (London, 1927), p. 110.} a resource not commonly available to the majority of typefoundries.\fn{44}{Royal subventions assisted the Imprimerie Royale in the production of types `which never would have existed for commercial reasons'; Updike, \emph{Printing Types,} I, p. 246. However, a reinterpretation of an existing typeface would have been cheaper to produce than an original design.} The seemingly principal diff --git a/src/pages/p0230.tex b/src/pages/p0230.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..beeb081 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0230.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 230 — printed page 228 — plate 102 +\plateop{228}{102}{plates/p0230.png}{CW3; \emph{Asiatick Researches}, 1 (Calcutta, 1788)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0231.tex b/src/pages/p0231.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..eee79f4 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0231.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 231 — printed page 229 — plate 103 +\plateop{229}{103}{plates/p0231.png}{CW3; \emph{Asiatick Researches} cont.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0232.tex b/src/pages/p0232.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7f31ee0 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0232.tex @@ -0,0 +1,9 @@ +% PDF page 232 — printed page 230 — Chapter 6 (cont.) +\origpage{230}function of the `exotic' founts developed for grand polyglot publications\fn{45}{The 1805 and 1806 versions of the \emph{Oratio Dominica} can hardly be considered suitable missionary or pedagogic material. The readership of the somewhat academic \emph{Recherches Asiatiques} would have been limited.} was to bear testimony to the artistic skill of the type designer, typographer, and printer,\fn{46}{Being one and the same in Bodoni's case. He suffered criticism for inaccuracies in his texts; Updike, \emph{Printing Types}, II, 174-5.} but above all, to display the omniscience and imperial power of the country in question - in this instance, France. + +Whilst Napoleon Bonaparte may be accused of robbing Italian foundries in order to enrich the Cabinet des Poincons of the Imprimerie Imperiale, the introduction of new technology encouraged another kind of theft, namely plagiarism on a grand scale. The copying of successful type designs by punchcutters has always existed. Copies of founts often masqueraded as original designs by dint of slight divergencies from the progenitors. The issues of copyright and originality of design have never been satisfactorily resolved and constantly feature among the topics for discussion at typographic conventions.\fn{47}{e.g. ATypI conferences; see Edward Gottschall, `The State of the Art in Typeface Design Protection', \emph{Visible Language}, XIX, I (Winter, 1985), pp. 149-55.} One of the most explicit definitions of what constitutes an original design is to be found in Legros and Grant's \emph{Typographical Printing-Surfaces,} and merits quoting almost in its entirety: + +\begin{extract} +a new design must not comprise anything that is merely an enlarging, a diminishing, a broadening, a lengthening, or even a distorting of some already-known form\fn{48}{Here italic is mentioned.} \ldots. Nor can a new design be produced by the mere removal of some portion of a letter, and the substitution of another portion, from a type form already known, for the portion removed. + +A new design in type must present an actual and demonstrable difference of outline and change when compared with any of the existing forms of type, or indeed, of any existing form of portions of type. New design must mean an essential change in the structure of the character, and an essential change in its outline, so as to produce not only a different form and effect for diff --git a/src/pages/p0233.tex b/src/pages/p0233.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a806811 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0233.tex @@ -0,0 +1,15 @@ +% PDF page 233 — printed page 231 — Chapter 6 (cont.); the extract closes +\origpage{231}the eye, but also an altogether different set of proportional measurements \ldots. + +What frequently comes under the head of new design in typefounders' catalogues and circulars is simply a compilation from and variation in dimension of existing originals, by which an apparent or temporary novelty or improvement is brought about to meet the taste of the day.\fn{49}{Legros and Grant, \emph{Printing-Surfaces}, pp. 118-119.} +\end{extract} + +Legros and Grant, however, were not convinced, particularly in the case of Latin typefaces, that their criteria for original designs could be met, for they say of their own efforts: + +\begin{extract} +The authors have themselves produced what have been and would still be called original faces, but, for their part, they have never attempted to register them, as with their present knowledge of type faces they cannot honestly declare that anything they have ever done in this matter has been truly original. A merciless analysis has shown these designs to have merely been the unconscious adaptation or combination of some already existing, if not well-known, designs.\fn{50}{Legros and Grant, ibid.} +\end{extract} + +The practice of the electrotyping of matrices which became widespread in the 1840s brought with it an increase in the conscious plagiarism of successful designs.\fn{51}{See Richard E. Huss, \emph{The Printer's Composition Matrix} (Delaware, 1985), pp. 28-29; see also Gaskell, \emph{Introduction to Bibliography}, pp. 206, 207 and 210; and J.R. Johnson, `On Certain Improvements in the Manufacture of Printing Types', \emph{Journal of the Society of Arts}, XXI (21 Mar 1873), pp. 334.} Standardization of type measurements and the baseline\fn{52}{See below, chapter 10; see also Gaskell, \emph{Introduction to Bibliography}, p. 284.} assisted in the wholesale copying of type designs by this convenient and economic method. Attempts at disguising the original models were frequently dispensed with, since no real protection was afforded by copyright laws.\fn{53}{See Huss, \emph{Composition Matrix}, p. 28.} The greatest, or perhaps simply the most public, exercise of this kind was carried out by the Austrian kaiserlich-koeniglichen Hof- und Staats-Druckerei in the mid-nineteenth century. + +The foundation of the K. K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei in Vienna dates back to the beginning of the nineteenth century, when it was decided by the presiding Austrian government that the Imperial and Government printing establishments diff --git a/src/pages/p0234.tex b/src/pages/p0234.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f891285 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0234.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 234 — printed page 232 — Chapter 6 (cont.) +\origpage{232}should be incorporated into one institution under the management of Vincenz Degen, printer to the Imperial Court. From 1804, during its so-called first period,\fn{54}{`Erster Zeitabschnitt'; \emph{Geschichte der K.K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei in Wien}, In zwei Theilen (Vienna, 1851), Pt I, p. 7.} the press was mainly engaged in the production of government bank-notes. + +The second period, when the Imperial and Government press came directly under governmental control,\fn{55}{From 1816, Degen was appointed its first director.} saw the range of its publications extended to include `Einlosungs- und Anticipations-Scheine',\fn{56}{Treasury Notes and Government Bonds; \emph{Geschichte der K.K. \ldots\ Druckerei}, I, p. 12.} material essential to war requirements, and legal books. By the year 1840, however, the use of the Hof- und Staats-Druckerei by the Austrian authorities had declined. The quality of its founts had diminished and considerations of economy had prevented the introduction of technical inventions; only essential supplies were added to its stock. Imprints were frequently marred by the varied colour and quality of its paper and commissioned work was often not completed within the required time-scales. In addition, the number of staff had dropped and, with the exception of one individual, no punchcutter was employed by the K. K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei or any other printing office in the whole of the Austrian monarchy.\fn{57}{Ibid., I, p. 28.} + +Circumstances changed radically during the third period which commenced with the appointment of Alois Auer as director in 1841. Auer, formerly a teacher of Italian who had studied and practiced typography for eleven years, was responsible for introducing new measures and reforms which transformed the printing and typefounding establishment. In order to restock the foundry, types were purchased and were reproduced at various sizes by the new process of diff --git a/src/pages/p0235.tex b/src/pages/p0235.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8a52100 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0235.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 235 — printed page 233 — Chapter 6 (cont.) +\origpage{233}stereotyping.\fn{58}{Ibid., I, p. 16.} It was not considered viable to acquire matrices owing to the capriciousness of public taste. Other reforms included the acquisition of iron presses and the recasting of all the types according to the typometric system which Auer sought to implement; it being a system comparable to the point system of Francois-Ambroise Didot.\fn{59}{Described in chapter 10.} + +The prospect of the Austrian trades exhibition, which was to open on 15 May 1845, impelled the K. K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei to undertake the urgent training of employees in the art of punchcutting by copying original models. The huge effort invested in this task enabled the K. K. Druckerei to produce 5,500 steel punches and about 10,000 matrices in sixty foreign languages which were displayed in the form of printed tables.\fn{60}{The \emph{Geschichte der K.K. \ldots\ Druckerei,} (I, p. 28) is ambiguous as to whether the punches were displayed as well; English translation in the polyglot version is unreliable. Punches were certainly displayed at the London exhibition: \emph{Uebersicht der von der Wiener k. k. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei in London ausgestellten Gegenstaende aller Graphischen Kunstzweige} (Vienna, 1851), p. 9.} The press was thus able to realize a hitherto unfulfilled proviso of an earlier regulation that the K. K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei was to be furnished with `die Lettern aller erbländischen Sprachen'.\fn{61}{\emph{Geschichte der K.K. \ldots\ Druckerei}, I, p. 9. Presumably these would include Greek, Cyrillic, and Arabic types, but not Indian founts.} + +Auer, who was well acquainted with the polyglot publications of other nations, intended to place Austria at the forefront of foreign language type-cutting at the trade exhibition. To this end, he arranged the `Typenschau des gesammten Erdkreises, neu angefertigt in der K. K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei zu Wien 1845'.\fn{62}{Ibid., I, p. 28.} This comprised tables of type collections arranged according to their countries of origin, but which were, in fact, imitations produced by the Viennese foundry. The tables included the types of the Imprimerie Impériale, diff --git a/src/pages/p0236.tex b/src/pages/p0236.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5e116cb --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0236.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 236 — printed page 234 — Chapter 6 (cont.) +\origpage{234}\erratum{Propaganda}{Propoganda} Fide, Bodoni's types, and those of the Serampore missionaries.\fn{63}{But the English and academic presses of Berlin and Petersburg were not fully represented in the display of type specimens; \emph{Geschichte der K.K. \ldots\ Druckerei}, I, p. 29.} Auer made no claims of originality for the designs. On the contrary, he invited comparison with the original models in order to demonstrate the faithfulness of the replicas. The \emph{Typenschau} concluded with the table entitled `Oestereichs fremde Typen' containing 72 `alphabets' arranged according to the space available, all cast according to the typometric system (and all ostensibly original designs). + +Such a table is also to be found in the second edition of \emph{Alfabete des Gesammten Erdkreises aus der K. K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei in Wien} (1876),\fn{64}{See pl. 104.} a copy of which is housed at St Bride Printing Library and includes a Bengali script. It shows the same typeface as that employed for a Bengali version of the Lord's Prayer in the 1847 imprint, \emph{Das Vaterunser in mehr als 200 Sprachen und Mundarten mit Originaltypen,}\fn{65}{2nd edn (Vienna, 1847).} contained in Auer's \emph{Sprachenhalle}. An extremely large folio imprint, the \emph{Sprachenhalle}\fn{66}{It measures 58 by 81 centimetres.} was intended to form a contribution to the study of comparative philology and to demonstrate advances in the field of foreign language setting. Auer, recognizing the limitations of the earlier copperplate specimens of non-Latin scripts\fn{67}{Such as Chamberlayne's, see above, Introduction.} and the copious errors in the \emph{Oratio Dominica} imprints of Marcel and Bodoni, intended to produce a truer representation of the script and achieve `grammatical correctness of composition'.\fn{68}{\emph{The Times,} (London, 11 Oct 1851), quoted in \emph{Beurtheilungen uber die k. k. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei in Wien} (Vienna, 1852), p. 118. The result can be seen in pl. 105.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0237.tex b/src/pages/p0237.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..02d9896 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0237.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 237 — printed page 235 — plate 104 +\plateop{235}{104}{plates/p0237.png}{K.K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei Bengali types (KKB); \emph{Alfabete des Gesammten Erdkreises aus der K.K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei in Wien}, 2nd edn (Vienna, 1876)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0238.tex b/src/pages/p0238.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0d4f821 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0238.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 238 — printed page 236 — plate 105 +\plateop{236}{105}{plates/p0238.png}{KKB; \emph{Sprachenhalle}: 2, \emph{Das Vaterunser in mehr als 200 Sprachen und Mundarten mit Originaltypen} (Vienna, 1847)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0239.tex b/src/pages/p0239.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5bc79ed --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0239.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 239 — printed page 237 — Chapter 6 (cont.) +\origpage{237}At first glance, the poor quality of the K. K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei's Bengali design (to be termed KKB) is obvious and cannot be attributed to the constraints of the typometric system. KKB, which has the appearance of being produced by an engineer rather than created by a type designer, is devoid of vitality. This is, in part, caused by the regularity of all the vertical strokes neatly right-angled to the headline and the limited degree of contrast in stroke weight. The diagonal stress of the Imprimerie Royale's fount has no place here. + +Apart from the rigid adherence to a constant \emph{akṣara} (base character) height, the vertical strokes form the only consistent, but dominant, design element of KKB. Many of the basic letterforms appear to pull in different directions: compare \ig{plates/inline/p0239-j01.png} with \ig{plates/inline/p0239-j02.png} ; \ig{plates/inline/p0239-j03.png} with \ig{plates/inline/p0239-j04.png} . Uneven stroke thickness is also clearly visible, for example initial and medial \ig{plates/inline/p0239-j05.png} are dark in comparison to \ig{plates/inline/p0239-j06.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0239-j07.png} . One interesting feature is the apparent use of letterspacing to overcome excessive interword spacing when justifying text, compare the word \ig{plates/inline/p0239-j08.png} at the beginning and at the end of the text.\fn{69}{In lines 2 and 13 of pl. 105.} Considering the wealth of material the K. K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei had to draw upon, KKB must be regarded as a remarkably poor effort by the Austrian letterfoundry, and one which contributes little to Bengali type history. The sole redeeming feature of the typeface is that it is legible. + +The K. K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei utilized its collection of `exotic' types for printing editions destined to furnish the learned libraries in Europe, but in the context of vernacular typography the significance of Auer's work does not lie in the foundry's design of new typefaces. Of greater interest is the response of the K. K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei to new technical processes, which enabled the copying of founts without the necessity of punchcutting.\fn{70}{As distinct from matrix-engraving; see Legros and Grant, \emph{Printing-Surfaces}, pp. 236-238. See also below, chapter 8.} The use of galvano-plastics to `grow matrices' from types was fully exploited by the press. diff --git a/src/pages/p0240.tex b/src/pages/p0240.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..95c25f1 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0240.tex @@ -0,0 +1,14 @@ +% PDF page 240 — printed page 238 — Chapter 6 (cont.) +\origpage{238}By 1845 the K. K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei had employed this process to produce more than 20,000 matrices. Its awareness that the abuse of such practices was injurious to the punchcutting profession, however, makes the imperial press's justification for indulging in such a vast operation all the more remarkable: + +\begin{extract} +Aber leider ward diese herrliche Erfindung von den meisten Schriftgiessern nur zum Nachtheile der Schriftschneider verwendet; indem sie pfundweise neue Schriften kaufen, und nach abgenommene Matrizen mit dem Gusse ungescheut Handel treiben.\fn{71}{\emph{Geschichte der K.K. \ldots\ Druckerei}, I, p. 33.} +\end{extract} + +For some curious reason the K. K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei considered itself exonerated from any charge of professional misconduct. It reasoned: + +\begin{extract} +Die Staats-Druckerei hält auch diese wichtige Rücksicht des Eigenthums aufrecht. Sie ahmt nur derlei Gegenstände zum eigenen Gebrauche nach, und gibt weder galvanische noch davon abgenommene Erzeugnisse aus der Anstalt.\fn{72}{Ibid., I, p. 34. Vincent Figgins publicly protested against the practice of the electrotyping of matrices at the 1862 London exhibition, but it was `in vain'; T. B. Reed, \emph{A History of Old English Letter Foundries}. A new edition revised and enlarged by A.F. Johnson (London, 1952), p. 336. See also Johnson, `Manufacture of Printing Types', p. 334 f.} +\end{extract} + +It continued to state in the \emph{Geschichte der K.K Hof- und Staats-Druckerei,}\fn{73}{\emph{Geschichte der K.K. \ldots\ Druckerei}, I, p. 34.} that this work was to form the basis for a cabinet of types, a `Typen-Cabinet',\fn{74}{See below.} which would be of use for future researchers, but it failed to mention by what authority the Staats-Druckerei obtained the right to copy founts even for its own use. By 1851 the K. K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei employed over 900 persons, it printed more than 300,000 sheets each day,\fn{75}{\emph{Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations 1851; Official Descriptive and Illustrated Catalogue} (London, 1851), III, p. 1027.} and it possessed types for 104 languages.\fn{76}{\emph{Official \ldots\ Catalogue}, ibid., p. 1025.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0241.tex b/src/pages/p0241.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2813446 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0241.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 241 — printed page 239 — Chapter 6 (cont.) +\origpage{239}The European involvement in Indian vernacular fount production during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is indicative of the growing interest in Orientalism shown by Western countries. This interest, largely a by-product of imperialism, was mainly confined to political or scholastic circles, whose typographic creations were divorced from the needs of the native population and were conceived rather as esoteric items. The infrequent appearance of the Bengali founts in European publications underlines the fact that at this time preoccupation with Bengal was almost exclusively the province of the British.\fn{77}{See Richter, \emph{History of Missions}, p. 134, n. 1.} Nevertheless these founts amount to more than historical curiosities. Their inclusion in multi-lingual editions published by countries possessing little more than tenuous links with Bengal serves to raise important issues pertinent to the development of all vernacular typeface design. + +In contrast to the vernacular imprints of missionary bodies or even of Europeans residing in Asia, those of the imperial presses of Europe fail to reflect a genuine interest in the peoples or culture (or indeed typography) of the countries whose languages are represented. The grandiose multi-lingual imprints reveal the propensity of a nation to exhibit its wealth or demonstrate its dominance in all areas, cultural as well as geographic. It is interesting to note that the jury at the London Exhibition of 1851 felt compelled to express its regret that `the private printers and type-founders of the Austrian empire should have failed so completely to exhibit their works';\fn{78}{\emph{Beurtheilungen uber die k.k. \ldots\ Druckerei}, p. 162.} so complete was the Imperial press's domination in this field. + +It is to the credit of the K. K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei that it experimented with new technology in the field of non-Latin typography. It even introduced the first Austrian composing machine that could be adapted for foreign-language diff --git a/src/pages/p0242.tex b/src/pages/p0242.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fd82cc7 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0242.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 242 — printed page 240 — Chapter 6 (end) +\origpage{240}setting.\fn{79}{\emph{Geschichte der K.K. \ldots\ Druckerei}, I, pp. 36-37.} The Staats-Druckerei professed an interest in comparative philology; but the notion of a `Typen Cabinet'\fn{80}{Presumably its response to the `Cabinet de Poincons'.} exemplifies an attitude common to such establishments, namely that the collections of foreign types were to be regarded as the show-cases of the imperial presses.\fn{81}{Indeed, foreign types seem to have been regarded by the imperial presses as collectable rather than functional items.} Thus the primary function of the types would not appear to be the communication of the foreign idiom. If this did not constitute their main purpose, the question then arises, By what criteria should the founts be judged? Furthermore, is it justifiable to criticize designs for not accurately representing vernacular letterforms if they accord with the ideas of aestheticism acceptable to the intended, in this case European, public; the elegance of the Imprimerie Royale's founts can hardly be disputed. + +Communication has always been the purpose of typographic design, but are the founts deprived of significance if they fail to communicate words to native readers and convey instead artistic expressions of grandeur to the intended recipients of this message? It does not lie within the scope of this thesis to fully discuss such issues. Their mention, however, serves to emphasize the importance of establishing the function of a typeface prior to its evaluation and, more importantly, prior to its design. + +The activities of the Stamperia Vaticana, the Sacra Congregatio de \erratum{Propaganda}{Propoganda} Fide, the Imprimerie Impériale, and the K. K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei in relation to their respective collections of `exotic' founts illustrate the confusion surrounding the originality of type designs. Far from being resolved, the problems regarding the protection of typeface designs have only been exacerbated by the implementation of new processes of type manufacture. diff --git a/src/pages/p0243.tex b/src/pages/p0243.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..02a886a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0243.tex @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +% PDF page 243 — printed page 241 — Section C title page +\sectionstart{Section C}{Indigenous Ventures} +\origpage{241} diff --git a/src/pages/p0244.tex b/src/pages/p0244.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5ad5add --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0244.tex @@ -0,0 +1,9 @@ +% PDF page 244 — printed page 242 — Chapter 7 opens +\chapnum{Chapter 7}{The Girīśa Vidyāratna Press and later foundry types.} +\origpage{242}\begin{extract} +\ldots\ about eighteen [years] after Dr Carey's arrival in India, some of the natives had begun to print in Bengalee for their own countrymen. The first Hindoo who established a printing press in Calcutta, was a native of Hindoosthan, Baboo Ram. He was followed by Gunga Kishore, formerly employed at Serampore - the first man who conceived the idea of printing works in Bengalee as a means of acquiring wealth.\ldots. By the close of 1820, there were no less than four native presses in constant employ, and they have been going on increasing \ldots. By 1825 there were six native newspapers \ldots.\fn{1}{\emph{Periodical Accounts of the Serampore Mission}, New Series, I, no. 9, p. 610.} +\end{extract} + +The vigorous growth of the native press during the \emph{incunabula}\fn{2}{`when the appearance of printed letters was still in the experimental stage, before settling down to accepted conventional forms'; Steinberg, \emph{Five Hundred Years of Printing}, 3rd edn rpt (Middlesex, 1979), p. 17.} of Bengali vernacular printing was not matched by a corresponding establishment of typefoundries. Only one is known to have existed in 1856, namely that attached to the Girīśa Vidyāratna Press\fn{3}{Dates of the Giriśa Vidyāratna Press are 1856-1866; Khan, \emph{Printing in Bengali Characters}, I, p. 391.} whose imprints exhibit the characteristics of Bengali type design peculiar to indigenous designers. The paucity of letterfoundries in the Indian subcontinent during the nineteenth century is strongly contrasted by the plethora of native foundries still active after the advent of both mechanical composition and photocomposition. + +A number of reasons account for the sluggish beginnings of Indian participation in this field. The greatest, and most immediate, obstacle to the successful establishment of a typefoundry and press in Bengal was the necessity of importing from Europe virtually all the materials required for type manufacture and printing.\fn{4}{According to Peter Spalding, East India Company Mint Superintendent, `all the Antimony that we occasionally find in this country, has been brought from Europe or Arabia. - It is true I have been told that some has been sent from \emph{Napal}, as a matter of curiosity, but not as an article of commerce'; letter from P. Spalding to J. Gilchrist, 15 Aug 1797, in the latter's \emph{A Dictionary, English and Hindoostanee}, I, p.xlii, n. k.} William Carey's preliminary enquires into the practicalities of vernacular printing revealed the high cost of procuring Bengali types at the turn diff --git a/src/pages/p0245.tex b/src/pages/p0245.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0d192e1 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0245.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 245 — printed page 243 — Chapter 7 (cont.) +\origpage{243}of the eighteenth century.\fn{5}{See above, chapter 3i.} The sentiment that `The greatest expense \ldots\ is that of \emph{printing}'\fn{6}{\emph{Memoir Relative to the Translations} (1808), p. 22.} is reiterated in the \emph{Memoirs} and \emph{Periodical Accounts} of the Serampore Missionaries which document the financial commitment demanded by their typefounding and printing operations;\fn{7}{Typefounding, as well as paper manufacture, was originally intended to circumvent the expense of importing types and paper.} and reveal that the cost of the fire which destroyed their printing office in 1812 exceeded nine thousand pounds.\fn{8}{\emph{Baptist Magazine for 1812} p. 402; see above, chapter 3ii.} Admittedly, the Serampore Trio always undertook projects on a grand scale, but accounts of this period given by Charles Wilkins, John Gilchrist, and others\fn{9}{See Rāma Kamala Sena, \emph{A Dictionary in English and Bengalee} (Serampore, 1834), I, Preface, pp. 5-20; see also Haji Mustapha, trans., \emph{Seir Mutaqharin}, II, Letter to William Armstrong, Calcutta, 15 May 1790, pp. 3-31.} confirm that the burden of expense was a crucial factor in vernacular printing. + +As Graham Shaw writes, `For a publication to be really successful, it would seem that the patronage of the East India Company was more or less essential';\fn{10}{Shaw, \emph{Printing in Calcutta}, p. 26.} particularly since the Company had a vested interest in the development of vernacular printing in Bengal. It was not merely due to the lack of resources or finance that the native Bengali possessed less incentive than his European compatriot to see the Bengali script rendered into print; political and religious interests were the motivating forces behind the setting up of the first vernacular presses and foundries.\fn{11}{Which were established principally `phiriṅgināmupakārārthaṃ' (for the benefit of the foreigner); see above, chapter 1.} The earliest imprints were primarily intended for the enforcement of British rule,\fn{12}{See above, chapter 1.} either by instructing the Company's servants in the native dialect, or by printing regulations and other diff --git a/src/pages/p0246.tex b/src/pages/p0246.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..527c2e5 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0246.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 246 — printed page 244 — Chapter 7 (cont.) +\origpage{244}government material. Rāma Kamala Sena described the motivation behind his seventeen-year struggle to publish \emph{A Dictionary in English and Bengalee:} + +\begin{extract} +Bengal being the seat of the British Government, the language of that province is exclusively used in the principal offices of Government; the accounts of the territorial and financial departments are also in the first instance kept in Bengalee, and the principal native officers in these departments are natives of that province. Hence it is highly desirable that the Bengalee language should be known to Europeans, and that the native officers of the Government, on the other hand, should be \qslip{aquainted} with the English, as being the language of the rulers of the country, in which almost all the correspondence of Government is carried on, and which is the regular and principal channel of communication between Englishmen and Natives. It is therefore necessary that proper means should be placed within the reach of both parties for their mutual benefit and convenience, for until these languages are mutually understood by the rulers and the ruled, the administration of justice and the management of public affairs cannot be duly and advantageously secured.\fn{13}{Rāma Kamala Sena, \emph{Dictionary}, I, Preface, pp. 6-70.} +\end{extract} + +Otherwise publications were directed at the `Heathen' for his conversion. Consequently, the demand for printing services came either from the East India Company or the British and Foreign Bible Society and other such institutions, but not from the indigenous population, which had previously contented itself with a tradition of oral literature and a class of scribes able to produce written\fn{14}{Or engraved.} documents when required. + +Despite the often unacknowledged\fn{15}{See above, chapters 1 and 3i.} native assistance in European typefounding ventures, there arose appreciable differences in the style of Bengali types cut by local craftsmen and those prepared by foreign residents in Bengal; the chief characteristic of the latter being a more constructed, less fluent shape that contradicts the customary penned stroke sequence, as illustrated below:\fn{16}{Also illustrated above, in chapter 3ii, but it is worth repeating, in part, here.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0247.tex b/src/pages/p0247.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..af50b0a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0247.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 247 — printed page 245 — Chapter 7 (cont.); unnumbered figure at the head +\origpage{245}\fig{plates/fig-p0247.png} + +This dichotomy in design perhaps reflects the non-native designer's ignorance of the subtleties of Bengali calligraphy, or the influence of inscriptional forms created by a growing interest in Indian palaeography.\fn{17}{As shown by the articles in \emph{Asiatick Researches}, vols. 1-4 (Calcutta, 1788-1795) printed at the Honourable Company's Printing Office.} The origins of divergencies in contemporary styles of written forms have been explored in Indian palaeographical studies; R. J. Pandey summarized his findings: + +\begin{extract} +There were three sets of people, who influenced the course of alphabets. Firstly there were the Brahmanical teachers, literateurs and priests, who invented alphabets and modified them for literary and religious purposes on the basis of pictographs, representations and symbols created by still earlier men. They further introduced changes under the impact of grammar and phonetics. This process was later on facilitated by the Buddhist and Jain monks and nuns, who assiduously devoted themselves to the task of writing and copying sacred texts. The second set of people, who affected the evolution of alphabets, consisted of the individual professional writers and the castes of writers, which originated in India. Their genius was not creative, but they had the power of adaptation and modification of forms to suit their convenience regarding writing materials and speed in actual writing. They were also not indifferent to the elegance of letters. This must have necessitated changes in the shapes of letters. This third set of people responsible for variations in the forms of letters included stone-masons and engravers on metals. This third set being semi-educated was less effective than the first two. But the very nature of materials (stone and metals) on which they had to work gave new orientations to the various limbs of letters. The evolution of the monumental forms and alphabets was mostly due to the needs of this class of people in carving, incising, drilling and engraving.\fn{18}{R.J. Pandey, \emph{Indian Palaeography} (Benares, 1952), pp. 95 and 96.} +\end{extract} diff --git a/src/pages/p0248.tex b/src/pages/p0248.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7a03d58 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0248.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 248 — printed page 246 — Chapter 7 (cont.) +\origpage{246}The difference in approach to the design of Bengali phonemes for metal typecasting would have originated from two sources: the model from which a typeface was derived; and the instruments and materials employed for its generation. As debated above, the origins of CW1 cannot be attributed to any particular manuscript, and this fount exhibits characteristics reminiscent of early epigraphic forms.\fn{19}{Compare the structure of CW1 with the letterforms of the `Copper Plate Grant of Bakerganj' (see pl. 106); yet James Prinsep, secretary to the Asiatic Society of Bombay remarked, `It is much to be regretted that when first a fount of Bengali type was prepared the letters were made after the model of the running hand or writing instead of this [copper plate grant] which may be called the \emph{print} hand'; \emph{Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,} VII (Jan-Dec 1838), p. 40 n. [1].} Wilkins may have been inspired by the inscriptional forms he studied,\fn{20}{See Johnston, `Charles Wilkins', p. 128.} although a degree of correspondence would naturally occur by means of the similar method of character generation, i.e. engraving. But the constructed quality permeating the type designs of European authorship since Wilkins's first fount may be due, in part, to Pañcānana's involvement in cutting CW1 and in casting the early Serampore types. His second name, Karmakāra, signifies blacksmith, and, as stated by Pandey, `persons who engraved documents on plates, belonged to the \qslip{professsional} castes of blacksmiths, copper-smiths, gold-smiths and other artisans'.\fn{21}{Pandey, \emph{Indian Palaeography}, p. 93.} + +The attempts of native craftsmen to unite the two disciplines of writing and engraving in the production of their founts yielded quite different results. The decorative manuscript style formed the basis of their designs, which were necessarily compromised by three factors. Firstly, the intrinsic limitations of metal prohibited a free interpretation of the written hand irrespective of the script. Ruari McLean explains, `Although the shapes of our letters were originally evolved and determined by the instruments \ldots\ with which they were written, the fact that to turn them into types meant cutting shapes on steel punches brought another influence into their shaping: an influence that very diff --git a/src/pages/p0249.tex b/src/pages/p0249.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6bae304 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0249.tex @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +% PDF page 249 — printed page 247 — plate 106 (bleeds to the page edges; no printed +% caption on the page itself, so the caption is the List of Plates wording) +\plateop{247}{106}{plates/p0249.png}{Copper Plate Grant of Bakerganj; \emph{Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,} VII (Jan-Dec 1838)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0250.tex b/src/pages/p0250.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c8e59c9 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0250.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 250 — printed page 248 — Chapter 7 (cont.) +\origpage{248}subtly affected the curves and the way that the curves joined straight lines.'\fn{22}{McLean continues: `Another factor in the design of metal types is that type metal, in the process of printing, gets worn, and thickens: the old typecutters therefore anticipated this and allowed for it in designing their types.' McLean, \emph{Manual of Typography}, p. 80. Such refinements were unlikely to have been introduced into Indian typefounding until the late-nineteenth century.} Secondly, local punchcutters were impeded by their own relative inexperience in the craft of engraving steel punches. This inexperience rendered them susceptible to the influence of European traditions of type designs.\fn{23}{Although Charles Wilkins and William Carey had not benefited from it.} Thirdly, the principal purchasers of Bengali types - being, on the whole, foreign to Bengal - had become accustomed to the early founts of CW1 and CW2, and thus wished to adhere to familiar designs.\fn{24}{See below, chapter 10 regarding reader conservatism.} These factors are reflected in the type designs of the Girīśa Vidyāratna Press. Its most successful designs are these that emulate the chirographic style first captured in metal by Kālikumāra Rāya.\fn{25}{See above, chapter 3ii and pl. 52.} + +Information regarding the origins of the many founts employed in the Vidyāratna Press's imprints is not available. It is probable that, at least initially, founts of type or matrices were acquired from outside sources like the Baptist Mission Press, or else they comprised imitations of styles then current in Bengal. Some designs, however, do appear peculiar to the Giriśa Vidyāratna Press and support the assumption that they were indigenous to its typefoundry. + +The smallest text faces are the least satisfactory founts produced by the foundry. Although they follow the scribal style of character formation\fn{26}{i.e. ductal rather than glyptal; see Charles Bigelow and Donald Day, `Digital Typography', \emph{Scientific American,} 249, no. 2 (August, 1983), p. 108.} and incorporate ligatures and conjuncts to maintain an even depth (and thereby uniformity), these faces do not share the elegance and flow of the larger-sized designs. One example is the fount termed here GV1;\fn{27}{See pl. 107.} its disproportionate intercharacter spacing diminishes the legibility of this typeface. The excessive spacing, which kills any vitality or movement inherent in the letterforms, is diff --git a/src/pages/p0251.tex b/src/pages/p0251.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a5df938 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0251.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 251 — printed page 249 — plate 107 (the original prints it sideways) +\plateop{249}{107}{plates/p0251.png}{Giriśa Vidyāratna Press: Bengali types (GV1, and GV3); Śyāmacaraṇa Śarmā, \emph{Bāṅgalā Vyākaraṇa} (Calcutta, 1860)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0252.tex b/src/pages/p0252.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..608cbd5 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0252.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 252 — printed page 250 — Chapter 7 (cont.) +\origpage{250}accentuated by the uneven texture of the typeface created by clumsy weight distribution. Such basic faults in type design appear indicative of this foundry's inexperience in translating lettering into type.\fn{28}{e.g. the failure to recognize that a character is determined as much by the space that encompasses it, as by the space that it encloses.} + +The design of the types employed for the footnotes in the third edition of Śyāmacaraṇa Śarmā's Bengali grammar has been more successfully executed.\fn{29}{Śyāmacaraṇa Śarmā, \emph{Bāṅgalā Vyākaraṇa} (Calcutta, 1860); see pls. 107 and 108.} Here the spacing is in keeping with the disposition of the strokes, which do not attempt to maintain a great amount of weight differential, whilst the wider internal counters compensate for the loss in character height. The design, to be termed GV2, resembles the smaller typefaces of the Serampore and Baptist Mission Presses, particularly with regard to medial \ig{plates/inline/p0252-k01.png} and the manner in which the oblique downstrokes join the perpendicular stems of the letterforms. + +Although the smaller-sized Bengali founts issued from the Girīśa Vidyāratna typefoundry are disappointing in terms of design, they were skilfully used by the Press, who did not baulk at complex handsetting. Often several different type sizes appear on the same page - at times to the detriment of its readability - as well as superiors, mathematical signs, and complex tabulation with two reading directions. The hyphen was also employed for justified text; ragged right and centred text were also customary, depending on the nature of the publication. There was no lack of experimentation in typographic layout, which was generally very successful, serving to enhance the founts at its disposal.\fn{30}{See pls. 109 and 110.} + +The larger types of the letterfoundry conform to the essential prerequisites of good lettering, showing uniformity and consistency in design, maintaining diff --git a/src/pages/p0253.tex b/src/pages/p0253.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8ac1861 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0253.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 253 — printed page 251 — plate 108 (the original prints it sideways) +\plateop{251}{108}{plates/p0253.png}{GV2: Bengali footnotes; GV3: Bengali text fount; Śarmā, \emph{Vyākaraṇa}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0254.tex b/src/pages/p0254.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ee45787 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0254.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 254 — printed page 252 — plate 109 (the original prints it sideways) +\plateop{252}{109}{plates/p0254.png}{Sandhi setting; Śarmā, \emph{Vyākaraṇa}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0255.tex b/src/pages/p0255.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6fcda12 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0255.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 255 — printed page 253 — plate 110 (the original prints it sideways) +\plateop{253}{110}{plates/p0255.png}{Bengali tabulation; Śarmā, \emph{Vyākarana}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0256.tex b/src/pages/p0256.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..bc5e7c5 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0256.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 256 — printed page 254 — Chapter 7 (cont.) +\origpage{254}sufficient distinction in character formation to ensure readability. These faces share the method of letter structure common to formal Bengali penmanship\fn{31}{See above, chapter 3ii, and Lambert, \emph{Devanagari Script,} pp. 177 and 178.} which is lacking in the designs produced by the European typefoundries and also in GV2. The elegance and vibrancy of these founts employed in editions of \emph{Chandaḥkusuma}\fn{32}{Bhuvanamohana Rāya Caudhuri \emph{Chandaḥkusuma} (Calcutta, 1864); see pl. 111.} and \emph{Naradeha Nirṇaya}\fn{33}{Rajākṛṣṇa Rāya Caudhuri, \emph{Naradeha Nirṇaya} (Human Physiology in Bengali) (Calcutta, 1859); see pl. 112.} are aided by the deliberate effort given to the design of each sort, as instanced by \ig{plates/inline/p0256-m01.png} , whose finial varies in length and curvature when in conjunction with another consonant.\fn{34}{See pl. 102, lines 7, 12 and 14 (GV3); see also pl. 107, \emph{sandhi} section.} Each sort, whether basic character, conjunct, or ligature appears carefully designed in harmony with the remainder of the typeface, rather than fused together from common components. A number of conjuncts, however, are still generated by the \emph{phalā} system created by Wilkins for his first Bengali typeface. + +The later imprints of the Girīśa Vidyāratna Press\fn{35}{See 1899 edition of Nīlamaṇi Vāsaka's \emph{Navanārī} (Calcutta, 1899); see pl. 113.} show that, in time, it was competent to produce very presentable and readable typefaces in the smaller range of type sizes while still avoiding the European style of letter structure. However, none of the founts can be considered outstanding for its period, and the employment of the accepted method of composition did not encourage other native foundries to seek alternative solutions to the problem of the reproduction of the Bengali script by pre-fabricated letterforms. + +The founts produced by the first native foundry thus adhered closely to the European modus operandi of Bengali composition, and the gap between the handwritten and the printed form necessarily remained wide. Although in the first instance the printed form of the Bengali script was intended to mimic the calligraphic hand, it gradually produced its own peculiarities. Bengali type diff --git a/src/pages/p0257.tex b/src/pages/p0257.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c21e2a7 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0257.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 257 — printed page 255 — plate 111 (the original prints it sideways) +\plateop{255}{111}{plates/p0257.png}{Bengali text with superior figures; Bhuvanamohana Rāya Caudhuri, \emph{Chandaḥkusuma} (Calcutta, 1864)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0258.tex b/src/pages/p0258.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c62d2f7 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0258.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 258 — printed page 256 — plate 112 (the original prints it sideways) +\plateop{256}{112}{plates/p0258.png}{Example of indigenous-style founts; Rājakṛṣṇa Rāya Caudhuri, \emph{Naradeha Nirṇaya} (Calcutta,1859),} diff --git a/src/pages/p0259.tex b/src/pages/p0259.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..14e28f2 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0259.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 259 — printed page 257 — plate 113 (the original prints it sideways) +\plateop{257}{113}{plates/p0259.png}{Bengali text face: Nīlamaṇi Vāsaka, \emph{Nava nārī} (Calcutta, 1899)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0260.tex b/src/pages/p0260.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e6bd7be --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0260.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 260 — printed page 258 — Chapter 7 (cont.) +\origpage{258}design developed as an art form, distinct from (and not secondary to) that of lettering. Charles Wilkins and William Carey as pioneer designers of Bengali founts had been disadvantaged by their ignorance of typefounding as well as by their limited comprehension of the Indian phonological system; but even to the native typefounder, the Bengali script was much more complex to cast and compose than the Latin alphabet. + +No absolute character set had been determined for Bengali composition;\fn{36}{This remains the case today. See above, chapter 3iii.} even the simplest textual matter required several hundred sorts to achieve a fair representation. The time and cost of engraving so many punches\fn{37}{`About one per day being the average output' [for Latin]; Whetton, \emph{Practical Printing,} p. 8; see also chapters 1 and 5.} prohibited the production of many different weights and type sizes. Thus the emphasis from the outset was placed on reducing the number of characters by various means. Wilkins confined his first Bengali fount to some 170 sorts by employing common components to generate types that were wanting.\fn{38}{Using what later became known (particularly for Devanagari composition) as the `Degree' system; see below, chapter 8.} An increasing number of indigenous designs, however, sought to improve the quality of handsetting by extending the number of sorts to include the most frequent conjuncts, combinations with \emph{raphalā}, and some with subscript vowel signs. The customary number of sorts grew to just over 500. + +Two works by the founders of the Sanskrit Press,\fn{39}{Founded in 1847; there were several Sanskrit Presses at this time.} Īsvaracandra Vidyāsāgara and Madanamohana Tarkālaṅkāra, first published in the mid-nineteenth century assisted in establishing a standard Bengali character set for printed works. \emph{Śiśuśikṣā}\fn{40}{Madanamohana Tarkālaṅkāra, \emph{Śiśuśikṣā} (The Infant Teacher), (Calcutta, 1849).} and \emph{Varṇaparicaya}\fn{41}{Īsvaracandra Vidyāsāgara, \emph{Varṇaparicaya,} Pts I and II (Calcutta, 1855).} enjoyed immense popularity, both running to well over a hundred editions before the turn of the century. In typographic terms Vidyasagara's Bengali primer, \emph{Varṇaparicaya,} is of greater importance. diff --git a/src/pages/p0261.tex b/src/pages/p0261.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c73b4bc --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0261.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 261 — printed page 259 — Chapter 7 (cont.); unnumbered tier figure mid-page +\origpage{259}The author, who is known to have concerned himself with typographic problems,\fn{42}{See Benoy Bose, \emph{Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar} (Delhi, 1965), p. 147; see also Asok Sen, \emph{Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar and his elusive Milestones} (Calcutta, 1977), pp. 23-28.} explains in the preface to the first part the necessity for introducing the dotted characters \ig{plates/inline/p0261-n01.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0261-n02.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0261-n03.png} ; the relegation of \emph{anusvāra} \ig{plates/inline/p0261-n04.png} , \emph{visarga} \ig{plates/inline/p0261-n05.png} , and \emph{candrabindu} \ig{plates/inline/p0261-n06.png} to the list of consonants (\emph{vyañjana}), and \ig{plates/inline/p0261-n07.png} to the conjuncts; and the \erratum{omission}{ommission} of \ig{plates/inline/p0261-n08.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0261-n09.png} which were to be regarded as obsolete. These practices still occur in printed text. Furthermore, the conjuncts listed by Vidyāsagara replaced Carey's as the standard set to be taught in schools. This `simplified' character set, which was used to typeset his works, became known as the `Vidyāsāgar sort'.\fn{43}{Bose, \emph{Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar}, p. 148.} + +Perhaps surprisingly, Vidyāsāgara, a Sanskrit pundit and eminent literary figure, had no reservations regarding the free use of Latin punctuation in Bengali text,\fn{44}{Unlike Marathi composition, the Latin full-point has never been adopted.} and thus endorsed the acceptance of traditional European typographic values.\fn{45}{N.b. some attempts were made to print in \emph{puthi} form, but these were abandoned.} His works utilize the hyphen to justify the text; justification could otherwise only be achieved by variable interword spacing, since the supposedly connecting headline prohibited letterspacing.\fn{46}{In hand-composed matter, gaps in the headline are often apparent.} + +The joining nature of the script did not pose as great a problem as the three to four tier nature of the writing system, illustrated below: +\fig{plates/fig-p0261.png} +The difficulties this system imposed were overcome to some extent by reducing the so-called x-height\fn{47}{See above, pl. 12.} of the basic \emph{akṣaras,} and setting half-bodied, or quarter-bodied, characters above or below these in order to attach vowel signs and compose conjuncts not available as one sort. The fit was often far from diff --git a/src/pages/p0262.tex b/src/pages/p0262.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d332e7a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0262.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 262 — printed page 260 — Chapter 7 (cont.) +\origpage{260}satisfactory and the process was cumbersome for the compositor. The half-bodied characters and the difficult kerning characters also necessitated a large amount of interlinear spacing. Composing was therefore a complex and time-consuming business. It entailed memorizing large case lays (which could number up to eight per fount) and the different methods of producing the required character combinations. The distribution\fn{48}{\emph{`Distribution} \ldots\ is the practice of returning type, leads and other materials utilized in composing a job back to their respective cases and racks'; Whetton, \emph{Practical Printing}, pp. 23-24.} of typeset matter was a correspondingly lengthier task than for English composition, which only had an upper and a lower case. The number of types cast from each matrix depended on the frequency of each sort in normal text. Frequency also determined the arrangement of the case lays; they can thus be considered as the forerunners of the keyboard layouts of mechanical composition. + +Initially, the typefoundries and the presses in Bengal were housed in the same establishment, but as Calcutta increased in stature as a major printing centre in South Asia, indigenous foundries grew up independently, supplying the presses with Bengali type, usually to a 510 character set. Over the last two centuries, the products of the typefoundries have improved in quality,\fn{49}{For a publication of excellent quality, see the Sanskrit Press's 1864 edition of \emph{Śiśuśikṣā;} see pls. 114 and 115.} but the design of Bengali types for text matter has not changed in any significant manner. + +The display faces or designs intended for commercial use have, however, altered radically. Type specimen books produced after Indian independence surprisingly show the latest designs to possess an even greater Western influence than the earliest founts of the Girīśa \erratum{Vidyāratna}{Vidāyratna} Press. This is primarily due to the status still enjoyed by the English newspaper and magazine as models of typographic excellence. In addition, the continued use of English in many vernacular papers and magazines, particularly in advertisements, has created a demand for Bengali types compatible in design to the popular Latin diff --git a/src/pages/p0263.tex b/src/pages/p0263.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9a13845 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0263.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 263 — printed page 261 — plate 114 (the original prints it sideways) +\plateop{261}{114}{plates/p0263.png}{Bengali title page and consonants; Madanamohana Tarkālaṅkāra, \emph{Śiśuśikṣā} (Calcutta, 1864)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0264.tex b/src/pages/p0264.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7363811 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0264.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 264 — printed page 262 — plate 115 (the original prints it sideways) +\plateop{262}{115}{plates/p0264.png}{Bengali text; Tarkālaṅkāra, \emph{Śiśuśikṣā} (1864)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0265.tex b/src/pages/p0265.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2b26504 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0265.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 265 — printed page 263 — Chapter 7 (end) +\origpage{263}fonts. Hence the appearance of Bengali typefaces drawn with specific Latin faces in mind; expressions like Bengali Times and Devanagari Helvetica are not uncommon. Whether such designs, as figured on plates 116 and 117, function satisfactorily as representations of the Bengali script is a separate issue that requires further discussion.\fn{50}{See below, Epilogue.} + +\erratum{Despite}{Depite} the introduction of mechanical composition, succeeded by photocomposition, the demand for movable metal type continues. Paristosh Dhar the President of the All India Type Founders Federation, in his address to the \emph{7th Conference of All India Type Founders} (Calcutta, 1982), estimated that there existed over 300 foundries in India.\fn{51}{p. 6.} The Girīśa Vidyāratna Foundry was the first of many native typefoundries in Bengal whose livelihood was sustained by the establishment of Bengali-owned presses spearheaded by Bābū Rāma in 1807.\fn{52}{G. Smith, \emph{The Life of William Carey}, p. 274. He did not undertake Bengali printing until 1816; Khan, \emph{Printing in Bengali Characters,} I, p. 404.} The growth of the indigenous typefoundries in the Indian subcontinent, precipitated by the rise of the native press,\fn{53}{During the period 1857-1867 there were 87 periodicals and newspapers in Bengal; B.S. Kesavan, \emph{History of Printing and Publishing in India} (New Delhi, 1985), I, p. 214.} was not merely due to the increased demand for printed vernacular matter and increases in the literacy of the local population; their development, and without doubt their continued existence, was for the most part owed to the mechanization of punchcutting.\fn{54}{See Part II.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0266.tex b/src/pages/p0266.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fd5f7a7 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0266.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 266 — printed page 264 — plate 116 (the original prints it sideways) +\plateop{264}{116}{plates/p0266.png}{Bengali type specimens (1)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0267.tex b/src/pages/p0267.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0f96be2 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0267.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 267 — printed page 265 — plate 117 +\plateop{265}{117}{plates/p0267.png}{Bengali type specimens (2)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0268.tex b/src/pages/p0268.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..317b246 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0268.tex @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +% PDF page 268 — printed page 266 — Part II title page +\partstart{Part II}{Mechanical Typefounding and Composition of Bengali} +\origpage{266} diff --git a/src/pages/p0269.tex b/src/pages/p0269.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d45c823 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0269.tex @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +% PDF page 269 — printed page 267 — Chapter 8 opens +\chapnum{Chapter 8}{Linotype Composition} +\origpage{267}The closing quarter of the nineteenth century witnessed the transformation of typefounding and printing in Europe and America by the invention of various mechanical devices. It was not until the third decade of the twentieth century that Bengal experienced the true impact of these inventions which effectively revolutionized vernacular printing. + +The exacting task of punchcutting was the first to be transformed. As already indicated,\fn{1}{See chapter 1.} in the creation of every typeface each sort required its own punch\fn{2}{Or counter punch/punches, which were frequently shared by different sorts.} `strong enough to imprint its image upon a piece of metal capable, itself, of serving as a matrix to receive molten metal. And the task of creating the punch for every alphabet, in every desired size was indeed formidable'.\fn{3}{John W. Seybold, \emph{The World Of Digital Typesetting} (Pennsylvania, 1984), p. 7.} The cutting of Bengali punches was even more demanding than those of the Latin script owing to the size of the character set, the complexity of the letterforms including kerning characters, and the three to four tier nature of the script.\fn{4}{Bengali foundry founts averaging 500 characters; see above, chapter 7. Gutenberg's original fount comprised approximately 290 sorts; Albert Kapr, \emph{Johannes Gutenberg; Persönlichkeit und Leistung} (Leipzig, 1986), p. 158. Although some of Gutenberg's sorts were arguably as complex, they did not operate on so many levels.} In 1884 the highly skilled and laborious work of the punchcutter was greatly facilitated, if not rendered redundant, by the pantographic punchcutting machine\fn{5}{Subsequent punchcutting machines can be considered as versions or modification of this; see pl. 118. Hand-cut punches are still produced today, see Stan Nelson, `Mould Making, Matrix Fitting and Hand Casting', \emph{Visible Language} XIX, 1 (Winter, 1985,) p. 98-106.} invented by an American from Milwaukee named Linn Boyd Benton.\fn{6}{In partnership with R.V. Waldo (Walter Tracy, \emph{Letters of Credit} (London, 1986), p. 35). It was patented in Great Britain in 1885; Legros and Grant, \emph{Printing-Surfaces,} p. 630 (patent no. 327855).} diff --git a/src/pages/p0270.tex b/src/pages/p0270.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..26b019d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0270.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 270 — printed page 268 — plate 118 (two figures; the second is a halftone) +\plateop{268}{118}{plates/p0270.png}{Fig. 1. Benton punchcutting machine\\Fig. 2. Linotype punchcutting machine\\(L. A. Legros and J. C. Grant, \emph{Typographical Printing-Surfaces}, London 1916, figs. 149 and 160)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0271.tex b/src/pages/p0271.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2ebac91 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0271.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 271 — printed page 269 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{269}In order to cut a punch from this machine, or one of its derivatives, a large-scale drawing, approximately ten inches in height, was required from which to make a model, a \emph{former,} in high relief and pantographically reduced to about two and a half inches high. The formers when fixed on the punchcutting machine were traced around the edge by the operator with a blunt rod\fn{7}{Beginning with the larger.} which caused a revolving cutter to engrave a punch at the correct size in direct relation to the contours of the model. An operator could produce between twenty and thirty punches a day for a Latin typeface, averaging seventeen cuts per punch\fn{8}{Compare to the figure of one punch per day in handcutting (H. Whetton, ed., \emph{Practical Printing and Binding} (London, 1954), p. 8.) and the necessity to have different masters for each size.} and by means of an adjustment he was able to cut different sizes from the same drawing.\fn{9}{Thereby adumbrating film and digital fonts that use one design size as a master for all sizes, which is not always desirable, see below, chapters 10 and 11.} + +The pantographic punchcutter heralded the mechanization of typecasting and typesetting which served to blur once again\fn{10}{See above, chapter 7.} the distinction between typefounder, compositor, and printer. The earliest successful\fn{11}{The first composing machine to be patented (patent no. 4664, 24 March 1822) was invented by Dr William Church. 173 such devices are listed in \emph{The Journal of Typographical Research} (July, 1967). Seybold estimates 38,000 Linecasters were sold by the late 1960s; Seybold \emph{Digital Typesetting,} pp. 40 ff.} typesetting machine was the Linotype invented by Ottmar Mergenthaler (1854-1899)\fn{12}{Strictly speaking, Mergenthaler should only be credited with the invention of the notion of circulating matrices and their distribution.} and patented in the United States in 1886: it was installed in the New York Tribune the same year. It distinguished itself from earlier cold-metal composing machines, which cast pre-set type, by utilizing hot metal to cast fresh type during composition. The Linotype derived its name from its facility of casting lines or `slugs' of type rather than individual types.\fn{13}{Thus such devices became known as linecasters or slugcasters. The first commercially available Linotype machine was called the `Blower'; see pl. 119.} It comprised a keyboard, a magazine containing matrices, a casting and a distributing mechanism.\fn{14}{See the description given in Mergenthaler's \emph{Linotype's Machine Principles} (1940).} Over the years the Mergenthaler Linotype Company developed a variety of models diff --git a/src/pages/p0272.tex b/src/pages/p0272.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4a826a0 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0272.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 272 — printed page 270 — plate 119 (two halftones) +\plateop{270}{119}{plates/p0272.png}{Fig. 1. Linotype Blower of 1886\\Fig. 2. Linotype Arabic machine\\(Legros and Grant, \emph{Printing-Surfaces}, figs. 401 and 407)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0273.tex b/src/pages/p0273.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4d8f50c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0273.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 273 — printed page 271 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{271}with additional features, but these were based on essentially the same principles as the early Linotypes.\fn{15}{It is not within the scope of this thesis to discuss all models and features. See Legros and Grant, \emph{Printing-Surfaces,} (pp. 423-5) regarding the early models.} + +In lieu of a compositor to assemble cast types, the Linotype operator controlled this function of the machine by means of the keyboard. On depression of the keys, the matrices assembled in the order in which they were typed. Once a line was complete, justification being `mechanically automatic',\fn{16}{Unlike cold-metal machines. For a description of the mechanism see Legros and Grant, \emph{Printing-Surfaces,} p. 428; also see below, chapter 9. Linotype linecasters are still in use and serviced today, but they are no longer manufactured.} it was cast in metal as a finished slug or line, thus obviating the need for a typefounder. Since each matrix automatically returned to its position after casting, ready for further use, distribution was also performed by the Linotype and the quantity of matrices required per fount was considerably less than the number of types usually held in a founder's fount.\fn{17}{The number of matrices held for each character depended on the fount scheme, up to 20 were required. The type it cast was of softer type alloy than that used in foundry types; see Whetton, \emph{Printing and Binding,} pp. 13 ff.} In the case of Latin founts, each matrix normally accommodated two characters, one roman and the other either bold or italic. Typically, the linecaster had access to a magazine of ninety channels at one time. This contained the fount of type at a given size\fn{18}{The Linotype normally cast slugs 5½ to 36 point and 48 point capitals up to a maximum measure of 30 or 36 ems; some models could set 42 picas. See chapters 9 and 10 regarding type measurements.} in the form of duplexed matrices;\fn{19}{Which had to share the same width, the double-letter matrix was introduced in 1898/9.} thus the operator did not need to change magazines\fn{20}{When full, it weighed between 50 to 60 lb.} when switching from roman to bold.\fn{21}{`Roman' meaning ordinary; see Linotype, \emph{Printing Terms,} p. 36. Some models had switching facilities.} After use, the slugs were melted down for the metal to be recycled, thereby avoiding the cost and space created by standing type. diff --git a/src/pages/p0274.tex b/src/pages/p0274.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..90e70fe --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0274.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 274 — printed page 272 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{272}The advantages\fn{22}{Not all of which can be mentioned here, and which are not necessarily pertinent to this discussion.} of the Linotype were evident since the tasks of type casting, composing, justifying, and distributing had either been simplified or eliminated with no great diminution in typographic quality.\fn{23}{Regarding this point see John C. Tarr, \emph{Printing To-day} (Oxford, 1949), pp. 44 ff.} Unprecedented setting speeds were now achievable: a skilled compositor could compose approximately 2000 characters an hour in English. Nevertheless there existed considerable disadvantages for non-Latin typesetting, for which purpose the composing machines had never been designed. The numerous attempts to adapt Indian scripts to the limited ranges of mechanical typesetters (and their keyboards) developed by foreign manufacturers met with varying degrees of success, but ultimately redefined what was henceforth considered acceptable as legible typography. + +The two methods of hand composition originally designed for setting Devanagari, viz. the `Akhanḍ' and the `Degree' systems, proved untenable for linecasting and rotary printing. The Akhand (otherwise known as Calcutta) system, relied on the support of kerning elements by the shoulders of adjacent characters and employed a large character set. The Degree (or Bombay) system,\fn{24}{Akin to the \emph{phalā} system; see pl. 120.} utilized three levels of type-matter comprising main character, subscript, and superscript in order to compose one line.\fn{25}{Consequently causing much breakage of type through continual use.} All these features were \erratum{inadmissible}{inadmissable} in the case of the linecaster, and the adaptation of vernacular scripts for such mechanical inventions encouraged the formation of script reform committees who were particularly active in the case of Hindi.\fn{26}{Often known as `Hindi Script Reform' despite the fact that Hindi is a language, not a script.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0275.tex b/src/pages/p0275.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6ef92f6 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0275.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 275 — printed page 273 — plate 120 +\plateop{273}{120}{plates/p0275.png}{The Degree and Akhand systems of composition (B.S. Naik, \emph{Typography of Devanagari}, Bombay, 1965, fig. 19)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0276.tex b/src/pages/p0276.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a1a221d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0276.tex @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +% PDF page 276 — printed page 274 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{274}The aspirations of the script reformers as described by Bapurao S. Naik in relation to Devanagari were equally applicable to Bengali: + +\begin{extract} +a) Improvement in the script with a view to facilitate the graphic representation of all phonemes, including those in the foreign words in order to maintain the precision of the language. + +b) Change in the present method of joining the vowels with the consonants, for the elimination of the three step method of setting and changes in conjunct formation which are aimed at the reduction in the number of types. + +c) Change in the present method of casting type sorts so as to facilitate linear setting either with or without over-hangs and thus provide the desired facility for mechanical composition.\fn{27}{B.S. Naik, \emph{Typography of Devanagari} (Bombay, 1965), pp. 146-7.} +\end{extract} + +With regard to Naik's first point, it should be recalled that at the beginning of this century the Bengali script had still eluded formalization. The earliest attempts at type design for Indian scripts had been modelled on characters penned by scriveners, whose hands betrayed their place of origin and period as styles varied from region to region.\fn{28}{See above, chapter 1.} The problem of standardization, which was essentially that of orthography, and to some extent morphology,\fn{29}{In Nepali \ig{plates/inline/p0276-d01.png} is preferred to \ig{plates/inline/p0276-d02.png} .} became entangled with the modifications in typefounding for ease of composition. In the case of Devanagari, many conferences were convened to discuss the standardization of the typeforms. But it was only in 1960 that the Indian Government was able to reach a decision on this issue, which was endorsed by the Government of Maharashtra in 1962 after some amendments. Its decision\fn{30}{Summarized by Naik, \emph{Typography of Devanagari}, pp. 394-5.} could not, however, be regarded as conclusive: printers often felt disinclined to implement the recommendations of the committees. diff --git a/src/pages/p0277.tex b/src/pages/p0277.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..39ace58 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0277.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 277 — printed page 275 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{275}The driving force behind the implementation of Bengali on a Linotype machine was Siresh Chandra Majumdar of the Śrī Gourāṅga Press, the proprietor of the daily newspaper, \emph{Ananda Bazar Patrika.}\fn{31}{The title \emph{Ananda Bazar Patrika Ltd} was to become the name of the publishing house.} During the 1930s Indian newspapers were eager to convert from the slow flat-bed presses to the more economical high-speed rotary presses, but this presented problems in the case of vernacular printing. The use of these presses demanded that all type-matter be stereotyped;\fn{32}{See Gaskell, \emph{Introduction to Bibliography,} pp. 201-5 for a description of this process.} a process that exerted tremendous pressure\fn{33}{About 1500 lb pressure per square inch; J. Schemmel `The Technological Aspects of Hindi Script Reform' \emph{Indian Print and Paper} [1954], Article 2, p. 10.} on the kerns and interlocking features peculiar to Indian vernacular foundry types. The resulting breakages and excessive wear and tear caused some newspapers to revert to the slower printing methods. Majumdar, however, persisted\fn{34}{For 20 years; see below.} in discovering a means of overcoming the obstacles that hindered the setting of his newspaper by means of a slugcaster. + +The principal technical difficulty in the typographic reproduction of traditional Bengali chirography was the necessity of having an extensive range of typeforms.\fn{35}{See chapters 3ii and 7.} For hand composition this had meant considerable expenditure in type before even a small job could be set; and the speed of composing from four, or more, typecases was extremely slow. The requisite linear setting of the Linotype constituted an additional obstacle, for it did not permit the overhanging or interlocking characteristics of individual characters and the placing of subscribed vowel signs and other superimposed diacritical marks, for instance the \emph{repha.} A scheme was required to overcome these problems in order to verify the feasibility of composing legible Bengali text from such contrivances. In a letter on this subject addressed to the English office of Linotype \& Machinery Limited, dated 14 October 1933, Majumdar wrote: diff --git a/src/pages/p0278.tex b/src/pages/p0278.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..44582b3 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0278.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 278 — printed page 276 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{276}\begin{extract} +we have finally fixed up a Key Board Scheme for a Bengali Linotype. We have practically reduced nearly 600 letters for the Bengali script to 124 on the Key Board, plus about 50 in the side cases including signs etc. + +Perhaps you know that I am over this job for the last 20 years and I had to give up my efforts several times owing to the appalling prevalence of compound letters in the Bengali script which it became impossible to simplify. But last year I renewed my efforts in connection of printing my daily Ananda Bazar Patrika on Duplex Rotaries and an intimate friend of ours Mr Ray Sekhar Bose - late Manager of Bengal Chemical \& \qslip{Pharamaceutical} Works, who is a scientist and writer of repute came to my help and gave me very valuable suggestions.\ldots. + +A standard Model 6 or Model 14 with a side magazine would be ideal for a Bengali Linotype.\ldots. I am arranging with an artist to draw up the letters in accurate measurement.\fn{36}{Majumdar to May, 14 Sept 1933, Mergenthaler Correspondence file no. 918, henceforth designated as MC 918.} +\end{extract} + +Majumdar's scheme for a Bengali Linotype,\fn{37}{Described below, pp. 283 ff.} which was to be `quite different from Devanagari in relation to sectional characters',\fn{38}{Which required up to four matrices to make one character. MC 918: May to Walker, 14 May 1934.} gained credence in Mergenthaler's eyes by the approval it met of Hari Govil, the designer of the Devanagari Linotype scheme. With a plan for `124 characters for magazines and 64 in the side case', it was agreed that enlarged drawings should be prepared in Bengal, but the matrices punched in America to the English depth.\fn{39}{MC 918: May to Walker, 13 Nov 1933.} The first steps in matrix production for the Linotype were based on the principle of pantographic punchcutting. In 1948 the \emph{Linotype Matrix} stated: `The modern version of Benton's machine is possibly the most important single factor in mechanical typesetting, and the Linotype matrix is the tangible evidence of it'. Again, in 1960 the \emph{Linotype Matrix} confirmed that `without the pantographic punch-cutting machine\fn{40}{Mark Barr of Linotype produced an improved model for the company; Legros and Grant, \emph{Printing-Surfaces}, p. 204. See pl. 118, fig 2.} the production of enough punches to keep diff --git a/src/pages/p0279.tex b/src/pages/p0279.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c3553f8 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0279.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 279 — printed page 277 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{277}mechanical composing machines supplied with the necessarily large number of accurately stamped matrices would be a difficult problem'.\fn{41}{\emph{Linotype Matrix}, II, no. 1 (Spring, 1948), p. 8 and \emph{Linotype Matrix}, no. 33 (May, 1960), p. 2. It further mentions that in practice the Linotype matrix department seldom cut more than three sizes from one set of patterns, and `not infrequently [prepared] a new set of drawings \ldots\ for each size in a series'; ibid.} + +A pattern for punchcutting was first made by means of a pantograph using the large-scale finished drawings which contained all the working dimensions and required precision to the thousandth of an inch. The resulting pattern comprised two brass plates soldered together, measuring approximately three and a half inches square and a quarter of an inch thick, bearing a character in relief on its surface. This could then be locked into position on the bed of the punchcutting machine, ready for cutting the blank steel punch pantographically to the desired typeface size. The punch was then checked against an original drawing by means of a projectoscope; it was examined to within one ten-thousandth of an inch. Once approved, it was employed for matrix-stamping. The high precision stamping of Linotype matrices could involve as many as sixty different processes. This was subsequently reduced to a minimum of forty-eight. Special characters, including logotypes, for which only a few matrices were required, were engraved directly by machine onto brass matrix blanks.\fn{42}{See \emph{Linotype Matrix}, no. 4 (Winter, 1949/1950), p. 7. As distinct from electrotype matrices referred to in chapter 6.} + +At an early stage it was suggested\fn{43}{MC 918: Griffith to Walker, 14 Dec 1933.} that the matrices be manufactured in London, but Victor E. Walker, the then Deputy Chairman and Managing Director of Linotype \& Machinery Limited,\fn{44}{Situated in London at that time.} considered his office too ill-informed regarding Oriental languages to undertake the work. An opinion he expressed more than once: diff --git a/src/pages/p0280.tex b/src/pages/p0280.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..532279c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0280.tex @@ -0,0 +1,16 @@ +% PDF page 280 — printed page 278 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{278}\begin{extract} +It is regrettable that there is not somebody over here with sufficient knowledge of Bengali who could not examine the drawings and form an opinion on the matter, but we are not in a position even to get an idea as to whether the arrangement as suggested [Majumdar's scheme] is a practical one, and if so whether it is a marked improvement on the system produced at your factory for the composition of Hindi.\fn{45}{Which had not met with much success; MC 918: Walker to Dodge, 28 May 1934.} +\end{extract} + +For many years this view was shared by the parent company: + +\begin{extract} +After we adapt these languages to the Linotype and establish the general principles, London can perfectly well take care of their promotion, but I have seen nothing so far that would justify our leaving the initiative and the adaptation of any vernacular to London.\fn{46}{MC 918: To Griffith, 3 Apr 1935; this was to change in the 1960s.} +\end{extract} + +The Mergenthaler Linotype Company in New York could avail themselves of the services of Professor Harold H. Bender, Professor Norman Brown,\fn{47}{Bender was a consultant to Mergenthaler; Brown was Professor of Sanskrit, the University of Pennsylvania.} as well as Hari Govil. Together they possessed the linguistic and technical knowledge necessary to undertake the typographic development of an Indian script for Linotype composition. Mergenthaler relied on Bender to assess the viability of Majumdar's scheme. It was confirmed that the letterforms would be designed in India; the patterns, punches, and matrices manufactured in America; and the project co-ordinated in England. Progress, however, was slow, exacerbated by the great distances between the three countries. It eventually required the presence of Govil and Brown in India to see the work to its fruition. Norman Dodge, the president of Mergenthaler, described Govil's usefulness: + +\begin{extract} +Govil is at present essential in the adaptation of the native languages to the Linotype, both because of his knowledge of the Linotype machine and its mechanical limitations. For the same reason Govil seems to be the key man in the very important matter of instructing the native Indian operators in the use of the Linotype.\fn{48}{MC 918: Dodge to Walker, 22 Jan 1935.} +\end{extract} diff --git a/src/pages/p0281.tex b/src/pages/p0281.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0dec19c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0281.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 281 — printed page 279 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{279}Difficulties soon arose with regard to the drawing of the characters. Majumdar employed a local artist to design Bengali letterforms according to his scheme, but these were unsatisfactory for punchcutting since they did not meet the technical requirements of the Linotype. Griffith stated: + +\begin{extract} +It is always difficult to cut a letter in correct proportion from artists sketches that are not drawn to working scale, particularly Oriental faces where we are not thoroughly familiar with all the details of design.\fn{49}{MC 918: Griffith to Dodge, 8 June 1934.} +\end{extract} + +The American office therefore provided a carefully assembled package to assist Majumdar in the preparation of the artwork. This comprised half a dozen letter-drawings of twelve point\fn{50}{Point sizes are discussed below; see chapter 10.} Bengali experimental characters, showing the scale employed for those drawings, matrices of these characters, slugs cast from these, press proofs of them to show the relative alignment and other details, and a brass scale for laying out the dimensions of the Bengali characters to correct proportions.\fn{51}{MC 918: Griffith to May, 29 May 1934. The proofs can be seen in pl. 121, fig. 1.} In addition, charts were supplied showing the channel sizes of characters, including minimum and maximum widths, for both the main and \erratum{auxiliary}{auxillary} magazines.\fn{52}{The charts had to be replaced at a later date because they were devoured by ants; MC 918: May to Griffith, 21 Jan 1935.} Blank keyboard layouts were also included in the package. + +The American interpretation of the Bengali characters was not to Majumdar's satisfaction. He had by this time more than a hundred drawings prepared to the wrong scale,\fn{53}{He was also deprived of the services of the artist whose family was killed in the 1934 earthquake; MC 918: Govil to Griffith, 23 Oct 1934.} for which he had paid five hundred rupees.\fn{54}{He was later reimbursed for his expenses and received payment in the form of equipment for his work on the Bengali Linotype.} After some correspondence between the three countries,\fn{55}{Letters averaging about a month's delivery from India to USA.} in which Majumdar, who did not wish to waste the drawings, was begged to follow the design specifications, it was agreed that Mergenthaler Linotype would produce scaled drawings based on diff --git a/src/pages/p0282.tex b/src/pages/p0282.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ba8dc08 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0282.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 282 — printed page 280 — plate 121 (three figures on one page) +\plateop{280}{121}{plates/p0282.png}{Fig. 1. Linotype 12 point Bengali (Experimental)\\Fig. 2. Linotype Bengali photographic reduction\\Fig. 3. Linotype Bengali proofs of Pi matrices} diff --git a/src/pages/p0283.tex b/src/pages/p0283.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e35ed8f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0283.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 283 — printed page 281 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{281}the artwork received. But drawing revisions were still required, since it became evident that the artist employed by Majumdar had not `got the correct size of the main part of the letter in proportion to the top and bottom'\fn{56}{MC 918: May to Griffith, 29 Jan 1935.} which threw out the balance of the whole character. The difficulties encountered in the drawing of the Bengali fount, which typify international design projects, were reported by Professor Brown: + +\begin{extract} +The fundamental trouble with the designing of the Bengali perhaps lies in the fact that Mr Majumdar did not realize that his artist and the MLCo [Mergenthaler Linotype Company] designer were using different relative proportions for separate parts of the letters. The MLCo design gives a proportion of main body to superscript and subscript signs about 3:1. Mr Majumdar's designs give a proportion of about 3.5:1. Hence his superscript and subscript signs appear small. He admitted at once that the New York proportions were correct (the fault with the New York product he considered to be lack of balance between characters rather than of parts of individual characters). After Mr May and I got him to this point, he got at his artist to have the designs redrawn on New York's proportions, and I stayed over in Calcutta waiting for them. But again the artist missed the proportions, this time erring on the other side. When Mr May and I measured his new (and even to Mr Majumdar unsatisfactory) designs, we found that he had used proportions of about 2.5:1. Mr Majumdar is now trying again.\fn{57}{MC 918: Brown, Report no. 14, Benares 1 Feb 1935.} +\end{extract} + +By February 1935 Majumdar had arranged a room for the artist to work on the drawings\fn{58}{Outside his regular employment. MC 918: Brown, Report no. 16, 18 Feb 1935.} under Govil's supervision. The intention was to despatch ten to twelve drawings twice a week by airmail. Adjacent photographic facilities enabled reductions of the artwork to be made for approval by Majumdar prior to despatch. One such reduction sent to Griffith that month included nine revised characters. The optical slant which subsequently proved to be a problem was already observed but not corrected by Majumdar, who erroneously assumed it to be a camera fault.\fn{59}{See pl. 121, fig. 2. Pl. 116, fig. 1 demonstrates that this was not the case.} Although the revised drawings proved acceptable,\fn{60}{Drawings were usually checked with an epidiascope; \emph{Linotype Matrix}, II, no. 3 (Spring, 1949), p. 6.} the New York office was still lacking the vital information necessary to diff --git a/src/pages/p0284.tex b/src/pages/p0284.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a4998ad --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0284.tex @@ -0,0 +1,18 @@ +% PDF page 284 — printed page 282 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{282}commence production of the founts. The drawings were missing important technical data essential to the first steps of matrix-making. + +A letter in the Mergenthaler Linotype correspondence files records: + +\begin{extract} +Mr Govil is thoroughly familiar with all the technical details, and I am rather surprised that he has passed the drawings on to us for cutting the punches without giving us all the necessary preliminary data.\fn{61}{MC 918: Griffith to May, 5 Mar 1935.} +\end{extract} + +Moreover, it transpired that the technical information on later batches of drawings contradicted previous specifications causing the New York office to express its frustration: `It was just such conflicting information which had us confused, and we were already proceeding on the basis of our own judgment'.\fn{62}{MC 918: Griffith to May, 29 Mar 1935. Confidence in Govil's abilities gradually diminished; Griffith stated, `Govil made a mess of things'; MC 918: Griffith to Brown, 23 June 1944.} Furthermore, all work on the Bengali, which the New York office estimated required sixty working days for the manufacture of ten fonts of matrices,\fn{63}{Upon receipt of good finished drawings.} was impeded by the failure of Majumdar to submit a keyboard layout with the artwork, as Griffith noted: + +\begin{extract} +the drawings will be entirely satisfactory as a working basis, but it is absolutely necessary for us to have a complete keyboard layout before we can proceed with any degree of intelligence to establish sizes of the respective characters.\ldots. + +If we are going to make any progress with this work Mr Govil will have to get busy at once and submit a complete keyboard arrangement, which he very well knows is necessary before we can proceed to cut any of the characters.\fn{64}{MC 918: Griffith to May, 5 Mar 1935.} +\end{extract} + +Notwithstanding such remarks, contractual obligations compelled the Americans to begin punchcutting without reference even to a draft keylayout; thereby running a high risk that their work would be invalidated by the final diff --git a/src/pages/p0285.tex b/src/pages/p0285.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1bff694 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0285.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 285 — printed page 283 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{283}arrangement of the keyboard. The frequent references to this fact which punctuate the correspondence between the two parties serve to underline another crucial turning point in the history of Bengali typefounding,\fn{65}{A turning point not confined to the Bengali script.} namely the unprecedented importance of the keyboard layout in the process of fount manufacture.\fn{66}{This is different in the case of Monotype; see below, chapter 9.} + +The considerable freedom of handsetting from a variable number of type cases, where the restrictions to the size of the Bengali fount were largely self-imposed,\fn{67}{Chiefly occasioned by expense, see above, p. 243.} was replaced by the absolute physical limitations of the linecaster. The Linotype keyboard, which even when coupled with a side magazine could not accommodate the customary 500 sorts for handsetting, was still required to generate the same phonemes as a foundry fount, and in a legible form. The keyboard, \emph{ipso facto,} lay at the core of the entire project as is attested by Majumdar's reference to it at the project's inception.\fn{68}{See above, p. 276.} + +The keying method indubitably governed the design of the characters.\fn{69}{See below, pp. 300-7.} Its size determined the number of sorts, and thereby the fount conspectus. Its manner of composition, in this case linear, affected the actual shape of the letterforms, as well as their spacing which was also governed by the channel sizes. Conversely, the layout itself was determined by the widths of some of the typeforms occasioning cross-lugging,\fn{70}{For a definition of this technique see Linotype, \emph{Printing Terms}, p. 9.} where due to the excessive width of a character the adjacent sort had to possess a narrow width. Duplexing\fn{71}{i.e. creating double-letter matrices.} also required letterforms occupying the same channel to be of identical width. Channel positions were therefore crucial to matrix manufacture. In short, until diff --git a/src/pages/p0286.tex b/src/pages/p0286.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..20e4cef --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0286.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 286 — printed page 284 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{284}the keyboard was conceived at least in draft form, no artwork could be designed; until it was completed, no fount could be manufactured. + +Although the arrangement of the keyboard had its precursor in the case lays of founder's type, new frequency counts were required for mechanical composition where speed was vital to newspaper production, since the fount synopsis differed radically to its earlier counterparts. Assisted by Brown, Majumdar perfected the keyboard layout\fn{72}{MLCo was very impressed by their thoroughness; MC 918: Griffith to May, 30 Apr 1935.} having consulted publishers regarding the acceptability of some of the new forms of characters.\fn{73}{See below, p. 294 and pl. 121, fig. 1.} Additional problems were the engraving of the dual language keybuttons and the supply of `wing buttons' to enable the keyboard to be changed for setting various vernaculars. A.J. May, the manager of the Calcutta office, was instrumental in proposing the notion of a new design of wide sidecase containing 150 compartments to replace the existing grouping of three cases of 48 large and 12 small compartments employed for Devanagari, where two sorts were forced to share the same compartment.\fn{74}{MC 918: May to Griffith, 12 Apr 1935 (letter 1).} The new case would accommodate the 136 characters, or more, required for Bengali in addition to the main magazine. According to May, `many of the high frequency symbols placed in the sidecase are traditional symbols and are alternate forms for [the] sound[s] represented otherwise in Mr Majumdar's system'.\fn{75}{MC 918: May to Griffith, 12 Apr 1935 (letter 2) and 5 Aug 1935.} + +The features observable in the photographic reproduction of Majumdar's typeface,\fn{76}{Which had lost a great deal of the calligraphic quality of his earlier trials; see pl. 121 fig. 2 comprising photographic reductions of trial characters (19 Oct, 1934).} produced in February 1935,\fn{77}{See pl. 122, fig. 2.} are already indicative of his entire scheme based on the keyboard layout finally established in July the same year.\fn{78}{Apparently no longer extant; it was revised in 1938, see below.} This trial, which strove to emulate the output of the linecaster, at once reveals the adverse effects of linear setting on Bengali typography. diff --git a/src/pages/p0287.tex b/src/pages/p0287.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c32e623 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0287.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 287 — printed page 285 — plate 122 (two figures) +\plateop{285}{122}{plates/p0287.png}{Fig. 1. Linotype 10 point Bengali trial\\Fig. 2. Linotype `12 pt. Bengalee' trial} diff --git a/src/pages/p0288.tex b/src/pages/p0288.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..bad81c3 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0288.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 288 — printed page 286 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{286}The necessity for robustness coupled with kerning restrictions demanded the condensed shape of the medial vowel signs \ig{plates/inline/p0288-s01.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0288-s02.png} , causing unevenness in spacing; particularly in the case of \ig{plates/inline/p0288-s03.png} , whose ascender appears almost reversed in the earliest proofs. Subscript vowel signs were similarly affected: these were required to occupy their own width, rather than attach themselves to their host characters, creating excessive amounts of white space wherever they occurred. Restrictions imposed on the size of the character set necessitated the creation of as many conjunct characters as possible by the lateral combination of common elements (rather than the mainly vertical combination of Wilkins's \emph{phalā} system), thereby giving rise to less orthodox letterforms. Another point of interest arising from this test of nine characters concerns the conjunct \ig{plates/inline/p0288-s04.png} . This consonantal cluster created by Majumdar's method of composition is conspicuously wider than was customary in founder's type, where in recognition of its frequency it was commonly designed as one sort. + +The fount synopsis of the Linotype ten point Bengali Light and Bold face printed in July 1935\fn{79}{See pl. 123. Both light and bold typestyles were conceived as one design, this is a comparatively late phenomenon; see Tracy, \emph{Letters of Credit,} pp. 65-66.} shows the full extent of the compromises made for the adaptation of this script to Linotype composition. The main magazine held the customary basic characters of the syllabary as well as the vowel signs, each possessing only one form.\fn{80}{i.e. no initial form of \ig{plates/inline/p0288-s06.png} .} Punctuation including the hyphen was also incorporated, as this had become the norm for Bengali composition. Additional to these sorts were the conjunct characters whose frequency of occurrence merited inclusion, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0288-s05.png} , and the reduced characters (\emph{half-forms}) specifically designed to compensate for deficiencies in sorts. The employment of \emph{half-forms} to restrict the size of the character set recalls Wilkins's use of \emph{phalās,} yet the Linotype forms differed substantially, being neither quarter-bodied, nor half-bodied, but the full-bodied characters demanded by slug-composition. The diff --git a/src/pages/p0289.tex b/src/pages/p0289.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c16fb07 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0289.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 289 — printed page 287 — plate 123 +\plateop{287}{123}{plates/p0289.png}{Linotype 10 point Bengali Light and Bold specimen} diff --git a/src/pages/p0290.tex b/src/pages/p0290.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..17d25db --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0290.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 290 — printed page 288 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{288}Linotype Bengali \emph{half-forms} comprised, for the most part, the reduced initial elements of consonantal clusters, possessing no space to their right (or left, if they were secondary or tertiary \erratum{elements}{elments}), enabling them to butt up against the succeeding types, which in some cases were also \emph{half-forms}. Since it was not possible for these components to be superscribed or subscribed, and their union with adjacent characters was not always successful, the final effect was markedly different to foundry setting. It is interesting to note that the lateral combination of these elements with the \emph{raphalā} \ig{plates/inline/p0290-t01.png} was not attempted and the formations required were designed as one sort, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0290-t02.png} .\fn{81}{But added to the founts at a later date, see pls. 124 and 125.} Some ligatures comprising consonants with subscribed vowels were also to be found in the fount synopsis in order to compensate for the inability to float subscript vowel signs. The logograph \ig{plates/inline/p0290-t03.png} , however, was the only ligature created with the kerning \ig{plates/inline/p0290-t04.png} . + +The contents of the main and side magazine were determined according to the thorough frequency counts conducted by Majumdar and Brown in 1935 in accordance with their scheme. The auxiliary magazine therefore held those matrices deemed less common, viz. additional conjuncts of vertical formation, the vowel signs \ig{plates/inline/p0290-t05.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0290-t06.png} , and Bengali numerals in the light typestyle.\fn{82}{In this study, the term typestyle is used to distinguish between the different weights of the same typeface design.} \emph{Pie} matrices\fn{83}{Nowadays usually written as `Pi', meaning mixed/assorted printer's type. See pl. 121, fig. 3.} were also available of more orthodox conjuncts, a number of ligatures, bold numerals, maths signs, and several fractions. In practice, the \emph{Pi} set was rarely used in \erratum{newspaper}{newpaper} composition owing to speed requirements, but it did possess the sorts required by Calcutta University for book production. + +Irrespective of the limitations the typesetting scheme imposed, the design of the diff --git a/src/pages/p0291.tex b/src/pages/p0291.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a5a5e36 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0291.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 291 — printed page 289 — plate 124 +\plateop{289}{124}{plates/p0291.png}{Linotype Bengali matrix listing} diff --git a/src/pages/p0292.tex b/src/pages/p0292.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f7db95b --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0292.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 292 — printed page 290 — plate 125 (two figures) +\plateop{290}{125}{plates/p0292.png}{Fig. 1. Linotype 12 point Light and Bold specimen\\Fig. 2. Bengali Foundry setting} diff --git a/src/pages/p0293.tex b/src/pages/p0293.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..302edab --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0293.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 293 — printed page 291 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{291}typeface was not entirely satisfactory. Brown acknowledged this fact in his report of 24 May 1935: + +\begin{extract} +I do not believe the face we are cutting \ldots\ will prove satisfactory, and I think we shall have to design another. Because of certain optical illusions the present face appears to have a slope, and this I think will be found objectionable, although we must go ahead now in order to get Mr Majumdar his six machines and probably also provide the Government Press with five machines in time to set the Bengal electoral rolls.\fn{84}{MC 918: Brown, Summary Report, Red Sea, 24 May 1935 [p. 2].} +\end{extract} + +The typeface design was determined by the scheme to such an extent that it is difficult to isolate the two. However, the initial Linotype Bengali founts possess a measure of liveliness and spontaneity which partially overcomes the technical constraints of the linecaster. This vibrancy is largely created by the dynamic manner in which the oblique downstrokes unite with perpendicular stems\fn{85}{See pls. 123 and 126.} - a feature unusually echoed in the finials of such sorts as \ig{plates/inline/p0293-u01.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0293-u02.png} - revealing the influence of penmanship. It is, in fact, accentuated by the overemphatic slant that subsequently proved so unacceptable. The weight differential is well maintained even at small point sizes, but problems arise in the case of the reduced initial consonants whose stroke width has been reduced to hairline thickness.\fn{86}{See initial \ig{plates/inline/p0293-u06.png} .} The counters of some complex forms, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0293-u03.png} , suffer from fill-in, yet the light weight, in particular, benefits from the open counters of the base characters. The immediate impression of harmonious design is, however, dispelled upon careful scrutiny of the founts in question. + +As discussed above, the vowel signs suffer the most from the effects of linearity. The kerning \erratum{vowel}{vowl} signs, \ig{plates/inline/p0293-u04.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0293-u05.png} , are exceptionally hooked in order to give a semblance of kerning and also to avoid type breakage. These typeforms and others of a similar disposition disturb the flow of text due to the excessive white space they necessarily incur. Notwithstanding spacing problems, diff --git a/src/pages/p0294.tex b/src/pages/p0294.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a704a96 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0294.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 294 — printed page 292 — plate 126 (two figures) +\plateop{292}{126}{plates/p0294.png}{Fig. 1. Linotype Bengali Light text sample\\Fig. 2. Linotype proof of 10 point Bengali Light and Bold} diff --git a/src/pages/p0295.tex b/src/pages/p0295.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..27d999c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0295.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 295 — printed page 293 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{293}the frequently used vowel sign \ig{plates/inline/p0295-v01.png} reproduces very poorly in print, and numbers among a group of letterforms possessing highly idiosyncratic shapes, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0295-v02.png} (matrix no. 254) and \ig{plates/inline/p0295-v03.png} (matrix no. 77), some of which have become hallmarks of Linotype hot-metal Bengali composition. In addition, the scheme itself throws up peculiar character formations, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0295-v04.png} rather than \ig{plates/inline/p0295-v05.png} ,\fn{87}{Although the latter was available as a \emph{Pi} sort.} requiring the reader to make some adjustment to the new method of setting. However, the unattractiveness of several sorts is not solely attributable to the limitations of the linecaster, but constitutes poor and inexperienced design work. + +The proportions of some of the characters, e.g. the narrow \ig{plates/inline/p0295-v06.png} in comparison to \ig{plates/inline/p0295-v07.png} , and to the very rounded \ig{plates/inline/p0295-v08.png} , suggest compromises were made to adapt characters to channel widths; particularly in the case of the bold letterforms whose counters have lost some of their clarity on account of duplexing with the light face. Close examination also reveals unevenness in weight distribution: the ascender of \ig{plates/inline/p0295-v09.png} , which had been redesigned since the first trial, is clearly too light for its stem. The founts also display an inconsistent treatment of related elements (e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0295-v10.png} for \ig{plates/inline/p0295-v11.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0295-v12.png} ) that is not demanded by technical constraints; unlike the case of \ig{plates/inline/p0295-v13.png} , where limitations in depth prohibited constancy in design with \ig{plates/inline/p0295-v14.png} . Such unwarranted drawing errors, not uncommon in preliminary founts, naturally impair readability and bring into question the suitability of the designs for newspaper composition.\fn{88}{i.e. continuous reading matter.} Moreover, if the sample of foundry types sent by Majumdar to MLCo was intended as a model for the hot-metal typefaces (notwithstanding typefounding problems), then Linotype failed in its objectives with regard to the first Bengali founts.\fn{89}{See pl. 125, fig. 2.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0296.tex b/src/pages/p0296.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..150cad3 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0296.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 296 — printed page 294 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{294}The operation of the first Bengali Linotype upon its official inauguration on 26 September 1935 was given a mixed reception. The media, whilst recognizing the historical significance of the occasion and the consequent impact it was to have on subsequent vernacular printed matter, confined itself to describing the history of the project. Despite the fact that some leading newspapers, including \emph{Amrta Bazar Patrika} and \emph{The Statesman,} reproduced a paragraph of Bengali text set on the Linotype,\fn{90}{See pl. 126, fig. 1.} the typeface itself received no comment - although for the first time mention was made of its artist, Sushil Kumar Bhattacharya, who it was reported worked under the guidance of Jatindra Kumar Sen.\fn{91}{His name is not to be found in any of the Linotype records.} The inauguration was officiated by the vice-chancellor of Calcutta University, Mr Syama Prasad Mookerjee, yet the University, which exerted considerable influence on Bengali printing, soon declared the design unsuitable for setting its text books.\fn{92}{MC 918: Govil to May, 13 Jan 1936.} Majumdar conceded that improvements were required, particularly with regard to the design of thirteen characters, but he intended to employ these founts for his newspaper, despite opposition from others including Kedar Nath Chatterjee of Prabhasi Press, who advocated a more orthodox design. + +The importance of developing a Bengali typeface acceptable to Calcutta University was indeed recognized by the Mergenthaler Linotype Company, as well as by Majumdar whose inspiration for devising the scheme had been revived by the decision of the former vice-chancellor, Sir Ashutosh Mukherjee, that Bengali become the medium of instruction up to matriculation standard. Kedar Nath Chatterjee, who was subsequently described as a `most troublesome customer',\fn{93}{MC 918: King to Linotype \& Machinery Ltd, London, 26 Feb 1944.} worked with Majumdar on the new designs. Refusing to be hurried, and yet conscious that the Monotype Corporation was developing a Bengali system in competition,\fn{94}{MC 918: King to Griffith, 9 July 1936.} the pair modified all the characters in the light and the bold typestyles, particularly with respect to their spacing. diff --git a/src/pages/p0297.tex b/src/pages/p0297.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f18c6c4 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0297.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 297 — printed page 295 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{295}The most recognizable feature of the resulting design (Bengali Light and Bold no. 2)\fn{95}{See pl. 127.} is the absence of the slant that had provoked so much criticism\fn{96}{And which was too exaggerated.} in the earlier typestyles. As a result, the typeface lacks the dynamic quality of its precursor. The terminations of all independent perpendicular strokes have become flared and thus no longer echo the line of the converging strokes of such characters as \ig{plates/inline/p0297-w01.png} . The result is the loss of the immediate homogeneity of the initial designs, giving a vertical stress to the typeface which contributes to its somewhat stiff, yet tidy, appearance. The dominance of the vertical strokes, a characteristic understandably more prevalent in Devanagari founts, is emphasized by the lighter weight of the headline. This uncommon trait diminishes the strength of the typeface. + +On the other hand, a character by character analysis evinces substantial improvements in design. The juncture of the oblique to the vertical strokes is more gracefully executed, approaching penned letter-formations. Both \ig{plates/inline/p0297-w02.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0297-w03.png} have been drawn more generously. This is also true of those letterforms possessing large main curves, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0297-w04.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0297-w05.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0297-w06.png} . Characters that have suffered from this redesign include \ig{plates/inline/p0297-w07.png} with its now curtailed finial, and the diminutive \ig{plates/inline/p0297-w08.png} . Some anomalies which existed in the first founts are still to be found here, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0297-w09.png} , but there exists a greater degree of conformity to the structure of founder's sorts. The vowel signs \ig{plates/inline/p0297-w10.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0297-w11.png} have been modified for the better. The former possesses a less unusual shape and the latter bears a higher ascender which \erratum{complements}{compliments} \ig{plates/inline/p0297-w12.png} . The positioning of these sorts and the construction of many conjuncts, however, still amount to a regression from Wilkins's first fount of Bengali types created over a century earlier.\fn{97}{\erratum{Insufficient}{Insufficent} space prohibits discussing the variations of character formation to be found in the different point sizes; suffice to say that all the Linotype Bengali founts were derived from the same artwork, but concessions were made for the smallest type sizes.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0298.tex b/src/pages/p0298.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..29c3c33 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0298.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 298 — printed page 296 — plate 127 (two figures) +\plateop{296}{127}{plates/p0298.png}{Fig. 1. Linotype 12 point Bengali Light\\Fig. 2. Linotype Bengali No. 2. with Bold Face No. 2; comparison proof of 10, 11 and 12 point} diff --git a/src/pages/p0299.tex b/src/pages/p0299.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..16bb70b --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0299.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 299 — printed page 297 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{297}The stronger contrast between the light and bold typestyles constitutes another distinguishing characteristic of Linotype Bengali No. 2. Apart from displaying inconsistencies, the weight distribution of the bold appears clumsy in certain instances,\fn{98}{See sorts \ig{plates/inline/p0299-x04.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0299-x05.png} in pl. 128.} since the greater proportion of the weight has been added to the inside of the lettershapes in order to duplex them with the light font. However, concessions were made to the width of some of the bold designs since `it was found \qslip{imposssible} to design certain of these characters of the same width as the light drawings of similar characters without distortion'.\fn{99}{MC 918: King to Griffith, 4 Nov 1937.} Single-letter matrices were therefore employed for a few sorts.\fn{100}{MC 918: ibid.} Predictably, the \emph{half-forms} such as \ig{plates/inline/p0299-x01.png} suffered the most from the additional weight, either causing fill-in due to the more fluid nature of the ink employed for rotary printing,\fn{101}{K. Sree Vijayapaliah, \emph{Introduction of Kannada on the Typewriter, Linotype and Monotype} (Bangalore, 1954), p. 3.} or producing uneven texture in text-setting due to underweighted sorts like \ig{plates/inline/p0299-x02.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0299-x03.png} .\fn{102}{See pl. 129.} + +The new designs in light and bold were more favourably received than the preliminary founts, and gained the approval of Calcutta University for the composition of university text books. Chatterjee personally received a letter from Dr Rabindranath Tagore declaring: + +\begin{extract} +I have seen a sample of printing from the Bengali type as designed under the direction of Mr Kedar Nath Chatterji. The typeface is very legible and there is hardly any departure from the type face familiar to the Bengali reader. There will not be the slightest difficulty about reading the print from this type face.\fn{103}{Quoted in MC 918: King to Griffith, 30 Aug 1937.} +\end{extract} diff --git a/src/pages/p0300.tex b/src/pages/p0300.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2c5f016 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0300.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 300 — printed page 298 — plate 128 +\plateop{298}{128}{plates/p0300.png}{Linotype Bengali No. 2 with Bold Face No. 2; list of characters in the fount} diff --git a/src/pages/p0301.tex b/src/pages/p0301.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7f7a95a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0301.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 301 — printed page 299 — plate 129 +\plateop{299}{129}{plates/p0301.png}{Linotype Bengali No. 2 with Bold Face No. 2; 12 point text.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0302.tex b/src/pages/p0302.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..85bbd71 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0302.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 302 — printed page 300 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{300}Such an accolade was a boost to the Mergenthaler Linotype Company, yet they remained conscious of the inherent deficiencies of the Linotype scheme which particularly compromised the positioning and design of the vowel signs, and in truth was barely comparable to foundry composition.\fn{104}{See pl. 130 for a comparative study made by Linotype of different composing techniques.} Solutions were sought to the kerning problems and uncongenial spacing by emulating Latin italic founts, but the ensuing increase in the size of the already large character set prohibited such attempts.\fn{105}{MC 918: 21 Jan 1938.} + +The fount synopsis and linear method of composing the script thus remained essentially unaltered despite a slight rearrangement to the keyboard layout in April 1938.\fn{106}{See pl. 131.} Revisions to the typeface, however, occasioned Majumdar to reconsider the keyboard arrangement with the intention of eliminating over one hundred characters infrequently used in newspaper composition which had rendered the typesetting of Bengali matter very cumbersome. With the aim of devising a newspaper keyboard layout requiring only one 90-channel magazine, and thereby to approach English setting speeds,\fn{107}{See Gaskell, \emph{Introduction to Bibliography,} p. 278.} Majumdar finally submitted a new keyboard design to the Mergenthaler Linotype Company in 1949.\fn{108}{The project was begun in January 1947.} For the scheme to function, it was necessary to augment the fount with one character, viz. the \emph{hasanta} bearing a headline,\fn{109}{Sketch sent to Griffith by King, 27 Apr 1949.} to cover deficiencies in conjuncts. The arrangement was accepted by Mergenthaler, but its efficacy was disputed by Professor Norman Brown who proposed an alternative layout. + +Majumdar was eager to adhere as closely as possible to the 1938 layout, to which his trained operators had become accustomed, and Mergenthaler was keen diff --git a/src/pages/p0303.tex b/src/pages/p0303.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..76d160b --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0303.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 303 — printed page 301 — plate 130 (carries the author's handwritten annotations) +\plateop{301}{130}{plates/p0303.png}{Comparison of Linotype Bengali designs and foundry types} diff --git a/src/pages/p0304.tex b/src/pages/p0304.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7d07ada --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0304.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 304 — printed page 302 — plate 131 (sideways; carries handwritten annotations) +\plateop{302}{131}{plates/p0304.png}{Linotype Bengali keyboard layout rearrangement of April 1938} diff --git a/src/pages/p0305.tex b/src/pages/p0305.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..401741c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0305.tex @@ -0,0 +1,14 @@ +% PDF page 305 — printed page 303 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{303}to satisfy Majumdar. Brown attempted a compromise which primarily rationalized the positioning of the numerals so they tallied with English layouts, but he eventually drew up two keyboard layouts: one designed specifically for Majumdar but not considered practicable for other users, and the other termed the \emph{General Trade Keyboard} which he described as keeping + +\begin{extract} +the lefthand side of the old keyboard intact, which was originally worked out on the basis of frequencies.\fn{110}{In 1935.} It has the numerals and punctuation signs in their normal positions. The characters on the righthand side of the keyboard are arranged with attentions, as far as seems feasible, to alphabetical association. The application of this last principle should facilitate the process of learning the keyboard and its use.\fn{111}{MC 918b: 10 July 1949.} +\end{extract} + +It is known that the \emph{Ananda Bazar Patrika} layout was not introduced until 1950 due to Majumdar's ill-health. In March 1954 Majumdar stated to a printers' conference that he had `completely succeeded in his efforts to apply his reformed Bengali system to a straight 90-channel Linotype'.\fn{112}{MC 918b: King's Quarterly Report, 4 Mar 1954. Majumdar also advocated its emulation for Hindi, ibid. Pl. 132 illustrates the layout.} However, in 1962 the manager of the Linotype office in India, N. Balasubrahmanian, reported: + +\begin{extract} +the 90-channel layout formulated in 1949 had to be discarded because \ldots\ the script set from this keyboard gave rise to adverse criticism from the readers of this newspaper, and the 90-channel scheme was immediately withdrawn. Since then there has been no demand for matrices of this scheme which, we can now safely assume, as having been scrapped.\fn{113}{Linotype Correspondence file (LC) 17A: Bala to Tracy, 28 May 1962.} +\end{extract} + +Linotype records imply that Brown's \emph{General Trade Keyboard} was never produced. The standard or `traditional arrangement' therefore comprised a main magazine and side magazine, but only the prosperous customer could afford the latter, since it cost considerably more than the main magazine unit. Even those with both magazines were reported not to fully utilize them: diff --git a/src/pages/p0306.tex b/src/pages/p0306.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..35f9f6d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0306.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 306 — printed page 304 — plate 132 (the original prints it sideways) +\plateop{304}{132}{plates/p0306.png}{Keyboard layout for Ananda Bazar Patrika 14 July 1949} diff --git a/src/pages/p0307.tex b/src/pages/p0307.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c651ed8 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0307.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 307 — printed page 305 — Chapter 8 (cont.) +\origpage{305}\begin{extract} +Although the Linotype main and side scheme provides a large array of characters, including many combination of sorts, operators prefer to make speed by staying as far as possible on the main keyboard; instead of looking around for single combination character they set the two \qslip{seperate} letters of which it consists, that is to say, they set a kind of `spelled out' Bengali rather than the traditional - and this has come to be accepted, certainly in the newspapers.\fn{114}{LC 17A: Tracy to Martin, 3 Sept 1964. Speed averaging 3,000 ens an hour in India on main and side magazine; LC 17A: Martin to Tracy, 30 Sept 1964.} +\end{extract} + +On the basis of this report, and in order to compete with a 90-channel Bengali layout with `Greek attachment' allegedly in production by Intertype,\fn{115}{LC 17A: Martin to Tracy, 28 Apr 1962.} the Mergenthaler Linotype Company in 1964 decided to review the question of producing a 90-channel Bengali keybank layout. To this effect, the company enlisted the services of Willem De Leng, the designer of the Intertype layout, to formulate an improved version for the Linotype that would adhere as closely as possible to the traditional arrangement, yet merely require some 110 sorts. The project had the full support of Ananda Bazar Patrika, but Saraswati Press,\fn{116}{Reputedly one of the finest Bengali book publishers in Calcutta; LC 17A: Bala's Bengali Report, 5 Nov 1964. (They had also ordered Assamese characters.)} whose opinion was also sought, considered the proposal only suitable for newspaper requirements, and preferred the main and side magazine system of composition for quality book production. The Linotype 90-channel Bengali was produced in 1965, `It was to be regarded as an advance on the traditional one, in line with the simplifying of composition which is so necessary.\ldots. This scheme even opens the way towards automatic Linotype composition from perforated tape'.\fn{117}{LC 17A: Tracy to Tammannai, 17 Sept 1964; see also pl. 133.} A note in the Linotype files, however records that by 1967 they had received no orders.\fn{118}{LC 17A: Tracy to Rego, 4 Apr 1967.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0308.tex b/src/pages/p0308.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9243d36 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0308.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 308 — printed page 306 — plate 133 (the original prints it sideways) +\plateop{306}{133}{plates/p0308.png}{Linotype Bengali 90-Channel keyboard of May 1965} diff --git a/src/pages/p0309.tex b/src/pages/p0309.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..423d3f9 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0309.tex @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +% PDF page 309 — printed page 307 — Chapter 8 (cont.); the second extract continues +\origpage{307}The introduction of linecasters, whose technical impositions exceeded those of handsetting, unwittingly rendered the design of the keyboard fundamental to the design of vernacular typefaces. The 90-channel layout was the last significant contribution to the mechanization of Bengali typefounding and composition made by Siresh Chandra Majumdar, whose efforts permitted printed Bengali to become more accessible to the literate public by transforming, some say mutilating,\fn{119}{Schemmel, `Script Reform', p. 11.} the script. The multifarious difficulties which occurred during the course of Majumdar's project merit observation, as they are still encountered today - albeit ameliorated by improved communications. The experience gained by the project retains its relevance, for the advice given by Professor Norman Brown, however apposite, has remained unheeded in subsequent typographic enterprises even four decades later: + +\begin{extract} +One of the most valuable lessons of the vernacular developments in India is that in launching a new script on the Linotype we should at all stages consult with local printers who are to use the machine. Such consultation saves us from many mistakes and gives the printers interest and confidence in our development.\fn{120}{MC 918: Brown, Summary Report, Red Sea, 24 May 1935 [p. 2].} +\end{extract} + +Economic and practical considerations encouraged India to embrace the new technology with greater consequences than in the Western world. Brown assessed the situation in 1935: + +\begin{extract} +The printing trade in India seems to realize the advantage of mechanical type-setting, and those presses which can afford machines will put them in. The volume of printing is steadily increasing in India, and the use of the vernacular scripts is for the present increasing. It is possible, perhaps even probable, that in the course of time the roman script will supplant the local scripts for the writing of Indian languages. But it is not likely that the change will take place for several decades. In all parts of India I find people thinking of ways to simplify the local script, but the simplification, even if effected, seems a less logical final development that [\emph{sic}] the adoption of roman with simple diacritical marks.\fn{121}{N.b. this was before Indian independence.} But, whatever may be the situation fifty years from now, the present offers an opportunity for vernacular script diff --git a/src/pages/p0310.tex b/src/pages/p0310.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4071cea --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0310.tex @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +% PDF page 310 — printed page 308 — Chapter 8 (end) +\origpage{308}Linotypes. The present effort to displace all other Indian scripts by the Devanagari does not seem to me likely to succeed.\fn{122}{MC 918: Brown, Red Sea, 24 May 1935 [p. 1].} +\end{extract} + +The implementation of Bengali on the Linotype permitted the native press in Bengal to compete with the English language daily papers set on line-composing machines, and to outstrip the growth of the Hindi vernacular press whose development was considerably retarded by the relatively less successful adaptation of Devanagari for the slugcaster.\fn{123}{Schemmel, `Script Reform', pp. 14 and 16.} The new technology therefore signified that the mass production of printed vernacular literature had become commercially viable, but the cost in typographic terms amounted to the greatest divergence from the handwritten Bengali character since CW1, and a future readership unable to recognize orthodox letterforms. In 1954 K. Sree Vijayapaliah wrote: + +\begin{extract} +It must be emphasized that the Linotype is as essential as the Typewriter for a progressive nation. Its necessity is \ldots\ being felt by Printers in general and \qslip{Newpaper} Offices in particular. Newspapers will in future have to come out with as much information as is provided in the big English dailies like \emph{The Hindu, The Indian Express} and \emph{The Times of India.}\fn{124}{Vijayapaliah, \emph{Introduction of Kannada on the \ldots\ Linotype}, p. 3.} +\end{extract} + +The development of the Bengali Linotype constituted one of the earliest multi-national ventures in which the manufacturers of typographic equipment, apparently uninfluenced by political or religious motives, viewed India as a potential market for their products and the development of non-Latin founts as a \erratum{commercial}{commmercial} proposition. The inauguration of the Bengali Linotype on 26 September 1935 retains its significance as the point at which printing in India was transformed from a craft into an industry. diff --git a/src/pages/p0311.tex b/src/pages/p0311.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..52dff60 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0311.tex @@ -0,0 +1,13 @@ +% PDF page 311 — printed page 309 — Chapter 9 opens +\chapnum{Chapter 9}{Monotype Composition} +\origpage{309}\begin{extract} +The history of `Monotype' composing machines cannot be understood without a realization that the full weight of trade opposition as such had gathered, fallen and broken on the Linotype almost a decade before any other make of composing machine had gone into factory production.\fn{1}{\emph{The Monotype Recorder,} 39, no. 1 (Autumn, 1949), p. 6.} +\end{extract} + +The Monotype composing machine, invented by Tolbert Lanston (1844-1913), an American from Washington D.C.,\fn{2}{It was first exhibited in 1889; Seybold, \emph{Digital Typesetting,} p. 51. Patents were taken out in 1887.} distinguished itself in a variety of ways from the Linotype. It overcame, to a large extent, the deficiencies of linecasters and in consequence was preferred for book work and the higher quality setting of particular non-Latin scripts including Bengali. The generic difference between the Linotype and the Monotype was succinctly described by Legros and Grant, who classified subsequent hot-metal composing machines according to these two types: + +\begin{extract} +in the Monotype class, the product, loose type, is cast by the successive presentation of matrices to a type mould for successive casting of individual types or units which go to form the finished product of this class of machine - a line of individual type; whereas in the second, or Linotype class, the product of the machine, usually a slug, is cast in a single operation of pouring metal into the mould.\fn{3}{Legros and Grant, \emph{Printing-Surfaces,} p. 288.} +\end{extract} + +The Monotype method of composition was achieved by means of two contrivances: the keyboard and the caster.\fn{4}{See pl. 134.} These functioned separately; the latter being operated by a perforated paper spool produced by the keyboard.\fn{5}{In the manner of a pianola. The Monotype was initially a cold-metal device, early machines had two spools, one for character selection, the other for justification.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0312.tex b/src/pages/p0312.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3f59a1a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0312.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 312 — printed page 310 — plate 134 (halftone) +\plateop{310}{134}{plates/p0312.png}{Monotype Composing Machine\\(H. Whetton, ed., \emph{Practical Printing and Binding}, London, 1954, fig. 6)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0313.tex b/src/pages/p0313.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8448f4f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0313.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 313 — printed page 311 — Chapter 9 (cont.) +\origpage{311}The keyboard comprised some 274 keys of which 225 were related to the sorts in the fount; the remainder were employed for justification. The depression of a key caused a punch to rise by means of compressed air in order to perforate the paper ribbon; the location of each perforation uniquely identified the character required for manufacture by the caster.\fn{6}{`The perforated ribbon was proposed at least as early as 1848, and was actually adopted by Mackie, of Warrington, in 1868, for his composing machine'; Legros and Grant, \emph{Printing-Surfaces,} p. 393.} The caster itself contained the matrix case: a metal plate holding a grid of 225 matrices.\fn{7}{Also called the die case; see pl. 135. John Sellers Bancroft was largely responsible for extending it from 210 to 225 and simplifying Lanston's original caster for increased efficiency, making it `the father of modern machines'; Sean Jennett, \emph{Pioneers in Printing} (London, 1958), p. 187.} Compressed air blown through the holes in the ribbon forced the matrix case into position over an adjustable mould for a separate type to be cast automatically at the right width. For the purposes of justification, the spool was run through the caster in reverse, i.e. last character first, but the end result was a galley of type similar to a galley of hand-set foundry type. The typefounder's role had been reduced to that of machine attendant: + +\begin{extract} +All these movements are perfectly automatic and the machine attendant has nothing to do except to keep the pot of metal replenished with fresh ingots, and to remove the galleys when they are full of type.\ldots. + +These new types are piled in lines of correct length at the rate of 150 types per minute.\fn{8}{\emph{The `Monotype' How it works} (London, c. 1922-1931), p. 9.} +\end{extract} + +Since the type was cast individually, corrections could be achieved without recasting the entire line; skilled operators were also able to patch the tape.\fn{9}{Gaskell, \emph{Introduction to Bibliography,} p. 279. But patching the tape was not recommended by the manufacturers of the Monotype; Lanston Monotype Machine Co., \emph{The Monotype System,} 2nd edn (Philadelphia, 1916), p. 155.} Another advantage was that the paper spool could be re-used whenever required, even with different grids\fn{10}{But to the same layout, see below.} and with casters situated in separate locations.\fn{11}{Which precipitated the development of off-line keyboards.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0314.tex b/src/pages/p0314.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..617b8c0 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0314.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 314 — printed page 312 — plate 135 (two figures) +\plateop{312}{135}{plates/p0314.png}{Fig. 1. matrix case\\Fig. 2. width table\\(Legros and Grant, \emph{Printing Surfaces}, Figs. 371 and 367)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0315.tex b/src/pages/p0315.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..02a4f8d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0315.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 315 — printed page 313 — Chapter 9 (cont.) +\origpage{313}Perhaps the most significant aspect of Monotype composition, however, was its method of justification. In the case of the Linotype, the operator was required to make `end-of-line' decisions: he had to assess when the line was sufficiently filled for casting, ensuring that the remaining unfilled space did not exceed the expansion capacity of the space bands within the line.\fn{12}{Three times the volume of the band's narrowest position was the maximum expansion capacity; Seybold, \emph{Digital Typesetting,} p. 49.} A lever or handle used by the Linotype operator set in train the justification block which caused wedge-shaped space bands to be pushed up between those sets of matrices forming words until they were spaced out to the full measure. Such a method was inappropriate for the Monotype. + +Since the Monotype keyboard was required to function independently of the caster, it was necessary for it to possess a counting mechanism. This comprised a justifying scale in the form of a revolving cylinder bearing rows of figures situated above the keyboard.\fn{13}{See pl. 134.} The device kept track of the width of each character keyed, and sounded a warning bell four ems\fn{14}{5 ems according to Legros and Grant (\emph{Printing-Surfaces,} p. 395).} before the end of a line. In order to justify the line, the operator struck those red spacing keys which corresponded to the figures indicated by the space pointer on the justifying scale. Another key restored the counting mechanism to zero; the keying of the next line could then commence. + +It was Monotype's\fn{15}{See below, regarding the Lanston Monotype Company and the Monotype Corporation.} introduction of the relative-unit, or 18-unit, system which rendered possible its method of automatic justification; a system subsequently adopted by other manufacturers of type for mechanical typesetting and which was to have far-reaching consequences for the design of new or revived typefaces.\fn{16}{See below, chapters 10 and 11.} Monotype attributed a value of 18 units set-wise (width) to the em in each typeface irrespective of the point size, although normally this was also diff --git a/src/pages/p0316.tex b/src/pages/p0316.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b6049ad --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0316.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 316 — printed page 314 — Chapter 9 (cont.) +\origpage{314}equal to the point size of the fount concerned.\fn{17}{N.b. any face could be cast on a larger body size; \emph{The Monotype System,} p. 231.} All characters held in the fount, including spaces, had a fixed unit value in respect of the 18-unit em quad, thus facilitating the calculations performed by the justification mechanism. The type designer, in some cases the \erratum{manufacturer}{maufacturer} of the typeface, had to allocate widths to each character in multiples of a fixed unit which was one eighteenth of the em. The widths of the bold and italic characters were not required to match the light sorts and could possess widths more suited to their characteristics, thereby obviating spacing problems caused by the duplexed characters of the linecaster. The 18-unit system was considered sufficiently flexible so as not to constrain type designers, at least in the case of Latin typefaces.\fn{18}{But see below, chapters 10 and 11.} + +However, restrictions did exist: the 225 sorts, which included thirteen fixed spaces,\fn{19}{Seybold, \emph{Digital Typesetting,} p. 54.} were arranged in the fifteen by fifteen matrix case according to their widths. All characters in the same comb\fn{20}{See pl. 135, fig. 1.} carrying fifteen characters had to bear the same width. The common arrangement in the case of a Latin typeface was one row per unit size from five to eighteen units, with three rows of nine and ten units each; unit sizes of sixteen and seventeen were not used.\fn{21}{See pl. 135, fig. 2.} Customers who specialized in unusual work could employ a different arrangement. The introduction of the Unit Shift in 1962, simultaneously with the sixteen by seventeen matrix, provided a greater choice of character widths in the die case. + +The implementation of the relative-unit system meant the adoption of drawing criteria different to those used for the design of early Linotype founts, and new diff --git a/src/pages/p0317.tex b/src/pages/p0317.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..503b8a5 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0317.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 317 — printed page 315 — Chapter 9 (cont.) +\origpage{315}methods of matrix manufacture. As in the production of a Linotype former, an enlarged drawing of each character was required measuring approximately ten inches. By following the contours of the character with a pantograph, often employing the same french curves as used for the drawing, a needle cut the letter in precise reduction on wax-coated glass.\fn{22}{See pl. 136.} The wax core was removed, the plate sensitized and placed in an electrolytic bath which deposited a thin sheet of copper on the surface. Once backed with type-metal, this constituted the pattern Monotype employed for punchcutting; it being a true replica of the original drawing but about a third to a quarter of its size. The formers were made `with the letters properly placed relatively to their exterior, so as to produce a punch with a correctly-located face and one which will constantly require the minimum of justification'.\fn{23}{(i.e. the justification of individual characters, see above, p. 224); Legros and Grant, \emph{Printing-Surfaces,} p. 206.} + +The Monotype punchcutting machine\fn{24}{See pl. 137.} also operated on the pantographic principle. Designed by Frank Hinman Pierpont\fn{25}{From New England. He joined the Monotype Salford Works in 1899 and was largely responsible for the high standards of engineering achieved by the English company; \emph{Monotype Recorder}, 39, no. 1, pp. 21-22.} and based on Lloyd Benton's device, it was intended to simplify punchcutting so that the less skilled person could operate it and achieve optimum output without impairing the final image. The introduction of such a device brought into being a different class of punchcutter: the punchcutter who was neither the designer, nor the interpretive punchcutter, but the skilled technician capable of imitating punches if the need arose.\fn{26}{See Tracy, \emph{Letters of Credit,} pp. 34-35.} The matrices created by the punches were bronze prisms, each about seven millimetres square containing the impression of the character in its lower end. Mechanization thus redefined the roles of the punchcutter and the diff --git a/src/pages/p0318.tex b/src/pages/p0318.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ef58155 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0318.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 318 — printed page 316 — plate 136 (halftone) +\plateop{316}{136}{plates/p0318.png}{Pattern cutting; (Whetton, ed., \emph{Printing and Binding}, Fig. 2)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0319.tex b/src/pages/p0319.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fa98cb0 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0319.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 319 — printed page 317 — plate 137 (halftone) +\plateop{317}{137}{plates/p0319.png}{Monotype punchcutting machine\\(Legros and Grant, \emph{Printing-Surfaces}, fig. 162)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0320.tex b/src/pages/p0320.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3f4b869 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0320.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 320 — printed page 318 — Chapter 9 (cont.) +\origpage{318}typefounder. In many instances, the virtual demise of the hand-cut punch has been mourned, but the mechanization of typefounding has generally been lauded.\fn{27}{See Stanley Morison \emph{Typographic Design in Relation to Photographic Composition} (San Francisco, 1959), p. 27; Huss, \emph{Composition Matrix,} p. 12; see also Updike, \emph{Printing Types} I, pp. 10-13. Some are still cut \erratum{by}{by by} hand, see Henk Drost, `Punch Cutting Demonstration', \emph{Visible Language,} XIX, no. 1 (Winter, 1985), pp. 98-105; and see above, p. 267.} + +The introduction of what may be more accurately described as a matrix-composing machine demanded new standards of engineering. Every Monotype model was designed to be capable of being upgraded with new enhancements and innovations. At the same time, each machine was to be composed of interchangeable parts; a requirement which necessitated considerable initial investment for the manufacture of special tools before production of the Monotype could commence. + +Historical circumstances account for the paucity of information regarding the development of Monotype hot-metal Bengali founts. The Lanston Monotype Company, established with the financial backing of J. Maury Dove in 1887, ran into pecuniary difficulties in 1897 due, in part, to the destruction of their factory by fire. Whilst Tolbert Lanston continued to work on improvements to the keyboard unit, his technical adviser, Harold Malcolm Duncan, accompanied Dove to England in search of funds.\fn{28}{Duncan returned to England in 1900 as technical managing director at Salford Works; a position he retained until his death in 1924.} A chance meeting with the Earl of Dunraven during their Atlantic crossing provided the necessary finance by Dunraven's formation of a syndicate to purchase the British and Empire\fn{29}{Excepting Canada.} rights for one million dollars. In December of the same year the Lanston Monotype Corporation was founded in England (in 1931 its title was changed to the Monotype Corporation Limited). It functioned separately to the American diff --git a/src/pages/p0321.tex b/src/pages/p0321.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..55994bb --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0321.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 321 — printed page 319 — Chapter 9 (cont.) +\origpage{319}company, being without common ownership of shares.\fn{30}{For a concise history of the company, see the Corporation's \emph{The Monotype Book of Information} (1970), pp. 5-9.} 1924 saw the distribution of the first English-built machines; by this time Stanley \erratum{Morison}{Morrison} had become typographical adviser to the company, which embarked upon an ambitious typographic programme. However, the English company, whose premises included the Works at Salford in Surrey and an office in Drury Lane,\fn{31}{The office was moved to Fetter Lane in 1904; \emph{Monotype Book of Information,} p. 6.} suffered interruptions to its activities on more than one occasion: during the first World War the Salford Works was devoted to the production of machine-gun parts; in the Second World War it was used as a munitions factory. 1941 witnessed the bombing of the Fetter Lane office, which destroyed the technical library, and with it, irreplaceable records of the company's typographic activities.\fn{32}{See \emph{Monotype Recorder,} 39, no. 2 (Autumn, 1950), pp. 5-6.} + +According to the records that have survived, the hot-metal Bengali Series 470 was started in 1936 in twelve point. The design, which was introduced in 1937, was based on type provided by the Monotype office in Calcutta and was made for H. L. Mazunder, a Calcutta printer-publisher. It was supplied to William Clowes \& Sons in 1938 and used at Oxford and Cambridge Universities for work in connection with the Indian Civil Service. A ten point was added in 1939 for the Bengali Government Press.\fn{33}{Information from David Saunders of the Monotype Corporation Ltd. See chapter 10 regarding point sizes.} + +The 470 Series\fn{34}{See pl. 138.} at once displays the most noticeable advantage of Monotype composition over Linotype setting, viz. the ability to kern.\fn{35}{This facility was not introduced by Monotype [for Latin scripts] until the beginning of this century; Gaskell, \emph{Introduction to Bibliography,} p. 279 n. 12a; see also John Randle, `The Development of the Monotype Machine', \emph{Matrix,} 4 (Andoversford, 1984), p. 47.} It is vital to note that this one facility, added as an afterthought by engineers,\fn{36}{\emph{Monotype Recorder,} 39, no. 1, p. 47.} should have such overriding importance in the development of Indian vernacular typefaces, and be diff --git a/src/pages/p0322.tex b/src/pages/p0322.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8cf02e2 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0322.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 322 — printed page 320 — plate 138 +\plateop{320}{138}{plates/p0322.png}{Monotype Bengali Series 470} diff --git a/src/pages/p0323.tex b/src/pages/p0323.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1ea984a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0323.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 323 — printed page 321 — Chapter 9 (cont.) +\origpage{321}so fundamental to their readability. The invention and implementation of this facility, which may at first appear relatively trivial, serves to distinguish good typefaces from the mediocre and contributes greatly to their success in quality work. It cannot, however, make up for deficiencies in the design itself. + +Despite the technical advantages the Monotype method of composition enjoyed over its hot-metal rival, the 470 Series cannot be considered a readable design in any of its type sizes. The moderately-weighted headline and principal strokes (which do not compensate for the thinness of the secondary strokes), combine with the looseness of spacing to produce a stencil effect that is dazzling to the reader. The rigid and squared-off vertical strokes, particularly in the dominating and over-long medial \ig{plates/inline/p0323-y01.png} , arrest the eye in mid-word. The rigidity of the face is instanced by the shaping of \ig{plates/inline/p0323-y02.png} , whose vertical downstroke gives a stiff curve and counteracts any movement a preceding character might possess. It appears as if some characters have been deliberately foreshortened, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0323-y03.png} , in order to maintain a constant depth, but this has the effect of making the poor-joining \emph{raphalā} \ig{plates/inline/p0323-y04.png} and \emph{laphalā} \ig{plates/inline/p0323-y05.png} all the more noticeable. The limited character set necessitated their design as separate elements,\fn{37}{See pl. 139. N.b. a small number were available as conjuncts and accessible with the Unit Shift arrangement (see below, pls. 146-8).} but their design as subscripts, as in some foundry founts, would have been preferable. + +It can be assumed that the proportions and spacing of some of the characters were dictated by the relative-unit system, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0323-y06.png} as compared to \ig{plates/inline/p0323-y07.png} , but the relationship of the majority of the characters to each other does not appear disproportionate; although \ig{plates/inline/p0323-y08.png} is oversized and the counters of \ig{plates/inline/p0323-y09.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0323-y10.png} in the ten point size do appear ungenerous. It has to be concluded that the design of 470 Bengali is marred by injudicious stroke weights, the poor quality of some of the lines, the disjunctions caused by the \emph{raphalā} and \emph{laphalās,} and the unhappy white-to-black ratio which hampers continuous reading. diff --git a/src/pages/p0324.tex b/src/pages/p0324.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..21b52f9 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0324.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 324 — printed page 322 — plate 139 (halftone) +\plateop{322}{139}{plates/p0324.png}{\emph{Raphala} and \emph{laphala} copper patterns} diff --git a/src/pages/p0325.tex b/src/pages/p0325.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..384dd72 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0325.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 325 — printed page 323 — Chapter 9 (cont.) +\origpage{323}The exact source of artwork remains unknown, but proofs held by the Monotype India Office show sample settings comparing the 470 Bengali types with foundry types, presumably those from which the face was derived.\fn{38}{See pls. 140 and 141.} The copying of foundry type designs was normal practice for mechanical casting, as \emph{The Monotype Recorder} reported: + +\begin{extract} +In their pioneer days, all composing machine companies were compelled by the demands of their customers to copy the designs originated by the founders of movable type for hand-composition. Thus, at the date when `Monotype' composing machines were introduced into this country the invention of new designs was unpractical, unnecessary and undesirable.\fn{39}{\emph{Monotype Recorder,} 39, no. 2, pp. 1-2. Also see below, chapter 10.} +\end{extract} + +In the case of Bengali composition, however, even Monotype casting could not match foundry setting, as the proofs of foundry type demonstrate. + +The Bengali Series 700 and 701\fn{40}{See pls. 142-5.} were made from artwork produced in India by a calligrapher whose name is not known.\fn{41}{According to a former employee of the Corporation, they were designed by Mr Chakravarti of Ananda Bazar Patrika; this information remains unconfirmed.} They were manufactured for the Indian market in 1963.\fn{42}{Information from David Saunders.} Series 700 is a very confident design. Being much easier on the eye than 470, it is more vigorous and dynamic, and there is a rhythm to the strokes lacking in the earlier design. It is as if all the faults of Series 470 have been deliberately eliminated: the lines have been strengthened; the knots of \ig{plates/inline/p0325-z01.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0325-z02.png} , etc., enhanced, the terminations of the vertical strokes softened, the counters opened up, and the spacing tightened - too much in the case of \ig{plates/inline/p0325-z03.png} . However, Series 700 cannot be considered a mere \erratum{revision}{revison} of the Series 470 but a new design. On account of its weight and its slightly diff --git a/src/pages/p0326.tex b/src/pages/p0326.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d08d4f8 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0326.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 326 — printed page 324 — plate 140 +\plateop{324}{140}{plates/p0326.png}{Comparison of Series 470 with foundry types (1)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0327.tex b/src/pages/p0327.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ca495c6 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0327.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 327 — printed page 325 — plate 141 (carries a handwritten annotation) +\plateop{325}{141}{plates/p0327.png}{Comparison of Series 470 with foundry types (2)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0328.tex b/src/pages/p0328.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e9f3106 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0328.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 328 — printed page 326 — plate 142 +\plateop{326}{142}{plates/p0328.png}{Monotype Bengali Series 700} diff --git a/src/pages/p0329.tex b/src/pages/p0329.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..da6e6f9 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0329.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 329 — printed page 327 — plate 143 +\plateop{327}{143}{plates/p0329.png}{Monotype Bengali Series 700 text sample} diff --git a/src/pages/p0330.tex b/src/pages/p0330.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c5c63ce --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0330.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 330 — printed page 328 — plate 144 +\plateop{328}{144}{plates/p0330.png}{Monotype Bengali Series 701} diff --git a/src/pages/p0331.tex b/src/pages/p0331.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3ea8d30 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0331.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 331 — printed page 329 — plate 145 +\plateop{329}{145}{plates/p0331.png}{Monotype Bengali Series 701 text} diff --git a/src/pages/p0332.tex b/src/pages/p0332.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..547abad --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0332.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 332 — printed page 330 — Chapter 9 (cont.) +\origpage{330}expanded, somewhat untraditional style, it is unsuitable for newspaper text, but it became deservedly popular for magazine and book work.\fn{43}{Ananda Bazar Patrika Ltd was one of its users.} + +The Series 701 is not such a successful design. Although based on Series 700, the added weight and strong horizontal emphasis tend to cloud the face and hamper readability. The \emph{repha} \ig{plates/inline/p0332-a01.png} is very undersized and the words appear too stretched-out for comfortable reading. The design works better in the larger sizes but it bears no comparison to foundry heading types.\fn{44}{Compare to pls. 66 and 114.} + +The benefits of separating the keyboard and the caster were stressed by the manufacturer of the Monotype in its promotional literature. The Corporation considered it preferable to preserve the distinction between the composing and typefounding arts, yet the skills demanded of these professions were minimized by the new technology. The keyboard, however, was more cumbersome to use than the Linotype, possessing four times the number of keys than a standard typewriter;\fn{45}{See Huss, \emph{Composition Matrix,} p. 15.} it was, in fact, unlike any other keyboard. Just as the Linotype layout was to some extent dependent on the channel widths, the original Monotype keyboard arrangement was governed entirely by the unit widths of the sorts and not by their frequency of use. It was improved by the introduction of the `D' layout in 1908\fn{46}{Designed by Bancroft and based on Lanston's C layout; Jennet, \emph{Pioneers in Printing,} p. 188. According to Monotype's \emph{Book of Information} (p. 7) this occurred in 1907, but the \emph{Monotype Recorder} (39, no. 1, p. 25) also gives the date as 1908.} which retained its pneumatic action while mechanical modifications allowed the keys to be arranged to conform to the `universal typewriter' layout.\fn{47}{Commonly referred to as QWERTY; see \emph{The Monotype System,} p. 198.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0333.tex b/src/pages/p0333.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2b02de0 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0333.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 333 — printed page 331 — Chapter 9 (cont.) +\origpage{331}The Monotype keyboard could be adapted for specialized setting, but deviation from the standard layout was not a simple task, for it could entail the replacement of keybanks, keybars, and the justifying scale as well as the memorization of the new key locations. The Monotype keyboard operator was also disadvantaged by the lack of copy for proofing - apart from the perforations in the ribbon indicating the matrix locations. Keying speeds similar to Linotype keyboarding speeds were achievable,\fn{48}{Accurate keying speeds are difficult to obtain, since speeds which have been quoted were often taken from keyboarding competitions and not under production conditions; see Legros and Grant, \emph{Printing-Surfaces,} pp. 429-30.} but the type had yet to be cast. + +Whereas the English Monotype keyboard was capable of composing up to seven Latin founts, the Bengali script made full use of all available positions on both keybanks to cover the characters it required for one fount. The basic characters of the syllabary were positioned in the lower portion of the left-hand bank. It was a large layout to memorize, yet smaller than the layouts of foundry cases. Just as in foundry setting, care had to be taken to distinguish between kerning and non-kerning sorts. It is interesting to note that the layout differs considerably from the case lays employed by the Oxford University Press for the same founts.\fn{49}{See pls. 146-8.} The latter seem to better reflect the frequency of the sorts, no doubt because constraints imposed by the relative-unit system do not apply to hand composition. + +The Monotype method of composition for the Bengali script, being a form of the Degree system, did cause problems in printing. Its very advantage over the Linotype in design terms, namely its kerning facility, was a severe disadvantage in newspaper printing. Although the metal used for casting the type was harder than that used for Linotype slugs, it was softer than foundry type, thus the diff --git a/src/pages/p0334.tex b/src/pages/p0334.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..74e91d3 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0334.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 334 — printed page 332 — plate 146 (the original prints it sideways) +\plateop{332}{146}{plates/p0334.png}{Monotype Bengali keyboard layout} diff --git a/src/pages/p0335.tex b/src/pages/p0335.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2be1d8d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0335.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 335 — printed page 333 — plate 147 +\plateop{333}{147}{plates/p0335.png}{Monotype Bengali Unit Shift Arrangement} diff --git a/src/pages/p0336.tex b/src/pages/p0336.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ae5a113 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0336.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 336 — printed page 334 — plate 148 +\plateop{334}{148}{plates/p0336.png}{Monotype Bengali `Outside Characters'} diff --git a/src/pages/p0337.tex b/src/pages/p0337.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..52f5301 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0337.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 337 — printed page 335 — Chapter 9 (cont.) +\origpage{335}kerns and interlocking parts suffered even more from the pressure exerted on it by the presses.\fn{50}{See above, chapter 8. Extra tin was added for casting into case; John R. Biggs, \emph{An Approach to Type} (London, 1949), p. 38.} During the 1950s methods were sought by the Monotype Corporation to improve the casting of the Indian founts including Bengali. The bevel was changed: bevel shaping was taken over by the Drawing Office and a secondary copper blank was developed to control the cutting of the bevels. David Saunders, who was involved in the maintenance of non-Latin founts at the time, describes the results: + +\begin{extract} +By following the outline of this blank the punchcutter ensured that the bevels would not foul on all the required combinations, that the punch would be strong enough to withstand the stresses of pressing off the matrices, that \qslip{here} would be sufficient aperture for the metal to flow in casting and that the types would have sufficient strength. It was a fact of life that some printers in India ignore our recommendations on type metal alloy of 10\% tin, 10\% antimony, 80\% lead, and used pressure on the press as a general cure all - or at least tried to.\fn{51}{Letter from David Saunders, 16 Dec 1986.} +\end{extract} + +Apart from problems relating to the strength of the metal, the method of composition adopted by Monotype for setting Bengali was not suitable for rotary printing, but where considerations of quality could prevail over those of speed, it was the preferred method of mechanized setting. The Monotype was said to be the only `composing machine to recognise the existence of the hand compositor' and the only mechanical means of `producing printing surfaces superior to hand-set foundry type'.\fn{52}{\emph{The Monotype System,} p. 1.} Although no such claim can be made in the case of Bengali setting, the Monotype became popular in India. Indeed, in 1984 India was recorded to have the greatest number of Monotype hot-metal machines in any one country.\fn{53}{Randle, \emph{Matrix,} 4, p. 47.} In many printing establishments where there was no shortage of cheap labour, mechanical composition was not taken full advantage of: types were commonly cast into case, hand set, and distributed. diff --git a/src/pages/p0338.tex b/src/pages/p0338.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..73f974e --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0338.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 338 — printed page 336 — Chapter 9 (cont.) +\origpage{336}This practice, which was also adopted in England by the Oxford University Press for some of its non-Latin setting, continues in many parts of India. In such instances the Super Caster remains especially popular, for with its capacity to cast rules and other furniture, it represents a \erratum{miniature}{minature} foundry and can be used to supplement existing founder's type. + +The Monotype method of Bengali composition produced the most successful rendition of the script mechanically composed in hot-metal. Due to limitations in the designs of the Series 470, 700, and 701, however, it could neither match nor surpass foundry setting. In this respect, it failed to live up to the expectations of its manufacturers: + +\begin{extract} +However ingenious a machine may be, whatever the speed it may attain in composition, quality in printing surface and facility of correction are essential features of its practical utility. No machine that is devised to do what previously was done by hand can be looked upon as correct in principle or perfect in adaptation, unless it maintains equal quality and greatly increased quantity of production. In such a degree as the machine lowers the standards created by the slow evolution of manual methods, it must be pronounced a failure.\fn{54}{Quoted in the \emph{Monotype Recorder,} (39, no. 1, p. 16) from the \emph{Lanston Machine for Casting and Setting Single Type in Perfectly Spaced Lines.}} +\end{extract} + +But such pronouncements were not intended to apply to non-Latin typesetting. Since the introduction of mechanical composition, vernacular founts have constantly been compromised in their adaptation for use with equipment of European or American manufacture. Whilst the mechanical composition of Indian scripts assisted the spread of vernacular printed matter in the subcontinent, it precipitated the lowering of typographic standards, which was not to be reversed until the new technology of photocomposition had become well established. Until the 1960s, fount and typesetter manufacturers saw little value in designing special composing techniques to handle the indigenous Indian scripts, and little necessity for the quality of non-Western setting to be comparable to that of the Western world. In the case of India, where printing diff --git a/src/pages/p0339.tex b/src/pages/p0339.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4959fc4 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0339.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 339 — printed page 337 — Chapter 9 (end); short page +\origpage{337}paper and ink are often of inferior quality, the indigenous scripts extremely complex, and the level of literacy low, the requirement for founts of a very high calibre should have been considered essential. diff --git a/src/pages/p0340.tex b/src/pages/p0340.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..542302d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0340.tex @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +% PDF page 340 — printed page 338 — Part III title page +\partstart{Part III}{Photocomposition of the Bengali Script} +\origpage{338} diff --git a/src/pages/p0341.tex b/src/pages/p0341.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6d8c9a6 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0341.tex @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +% PDF page 341 — printed page 339 — Chapter 10 opens +\chapnum{Chapter 10}{Filmsetting} +\origpage{339}The second half of the twentieth century saw the second radical transformation in typesetting technology: the era of photocomposition\fn{1}{In 1960 James Moran considered the term `photocomposition' to be ambiguous (\emph{Filmsetting - Bibliographical Implications} (London, 1960), p. 232), but it is now commonly used as here, particularly in connection with third-generation typesetters; see below, chapter 11.} had begun. Filmsetting, which has been described as `the greatest step forward since the invention of movable type',\fn{2}{Moran, \emph{Filmsetting,} p. 235.} was developed in North America and Europe during the 1940s;\fn{3}{Although a patent for a `Means of composing characters by producing Photographic negatives therefrom' was taken out in Britain by W. Friese-Greene in 1898; Morison, \emph{Photographic Composition,} p. 2.} it had no perceptible effect upon Bengali typography until the 1970s. + +Filmsetting comprised `the composition of characters in the sequence required on film or photographic paper for the purpose of transferring to sensitized plates and printing without the intervention of [metal] type'.\fn{4}{Moran, \emph{Filmsetting,} p. 231.} It answered the needs of the increasingly popular printing processes of lithography and offset-lithography, which did not respond well to raised printing surfaces. Filmsetting could also be used in conjunction with letter-press printing, owing to the innovation of flexible plates usable for rotary printing which dispensed with the intermediate process of stereotyping. It met the demand for greater efficiency in composing techniques, overcoming many of the disadvantages implicit in hot-metal composition. + +The printing industry commonly borrows terms from the computer industry, with which it has now become intimately linked, when referring to phototypesetters. Models known as first-generation phototypesetters were based on their hot-metal progenitors and functioned, as far as was possible, upon the diff --git a/src/pages/p0342.tex b/src/pages/p0342.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6075aa7 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0342.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 342 — printed page 340 — Chapter 10 (cont.) +\origpage{340}same principles. First-generation models, such as the Intertype Fotosetter\fn{5}{First exhibited in 1950.} and the Monophoto Filmsetter, smoothed the path of transition from metal to film composition, when the nature of type changed from a three-dimensional object to a two-dimensional image. + +The Monotype Corporation, who were later to manufacture a number of non-Latin film founts, introduced the Monophoto Filmsetter in 1955. The company was naturally anxious that its hot-metal machines should not become immediately obsolete; it therefore advocated that existing typesetting plants should be adapted for filmsetting to work concurrently with hot-metal. Monotype was in a position to recommend this because the keyboards, which functioned independently of the caster, could be used to drive either the Monotype Composition Caster or the Monophoto Filmsetter.\fn{6}{\emph{The Monotype Recorder,} 42, no. 2 (Spring, 1961), p. 1. Although this situation changed.} The air tower of both machines was identical and characters were selected in the same manner, but the mould, metal pot, and galley portion had been replaced by the photographic unit.\fn{7}{See pl. 149.} + +The die case was now a master negative plate of 255 characters and spaces;\fn{8}{It was extended to 272 in 1963; \emph{Monotype Recorder,} 43, no. 2 (Summer, 1965), p. 45.} in lieu of a centering pin, its underside was notched for accurate registration. A light source was directed through a condenser-lens to ensure that all portions of the image were illuminated evenly. A single zoom-type lens and two prisms were used to photograph the characters, at one fiftieth of a second, on to a flat sheet of film which remained stationary until each line was complete. As before, the width values were obtained from the location of the characters in the master grid. Until 1956 the Monophoto matrix case comprised a single sheet of glass. In order to increase the versatility of the founts, Monotype diff --git a/src/pages/p0343.tex b/src/pages/p0343.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7021645 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0343.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 343 — printed page 341 — plate 149 (halftone) +\plateop{341}{149}{plates/p0343.png}{Monophoto Filmsetter (\emph{The Monotype Recorder,} 43, no. 2, Summer, 1965, p. 33)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0344.tex b/src/pages/p0344.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..27be822 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0344.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 344 — printed page 342 — Chapter 10 (cont.) +\origpage{342}introduced a matrix case in which each sort existed on a separate piece of film within the case and could be either direct-reading or reverse-reading. Individual characters could thus be substituted by others, or damaged matrices replaced. The sizes obtainable from one negative by means of a manual adjustment ranged from 6 to 24 point.\fn{9}{See below, pp. 343-8 regarding the point system.} + +There were immediate benefits to be derived from filmsetting which quickly offset the initial high cost of the equipment. One advantage, as Monotype pointed out, was `the ability to store in one shallow box, or to slip into one airmail packet, the equivalent of tons of standing metal type'.\fn{10}{\emph{The Monotype Recorder,} 42, no. 2, p. 1.} The expense of storing vast quantities of lead type, in terms of space and cost of type metal, far exceeded the cost of film.\fn{11}{See Naik, \emph{Typography of Devanagari,} pp. 188-9.} Wear and tear of type, a perennial problem with Indian language printing\fn{12}{See above, chapter 8.}, was another hindrance eliminated by filmsetting.\fn{13}{Metal type begins to show signs of wear after 50,000 impressions and is thus reserved for short runs; McLean, \emph{Manual of Typography,} p. 30.} Furthermore, type set by film was able to produce a sharper image than metal, although in practice this was not often achieved.\fn{14}{See \emph{Monotype Recorder,} 43, no. 2, p. 14 and Frutiger, \emph{Type Sign Symbol,} p. 20.} The Monophoto Filmsetter was capable of high-quality output and required only one matrix-case assembly to output a full range of sizes required for normal composition.\fn{15}{See below, pp. 348-9.} But with regard to speed, the first-generation model showed no marked improvement on the hot-metal machine. + +Although the Monotype Company was at pains to stress the similarities of the two technologies, problems were soon encountered by the compositors who had diff --git a/src/pages/p0345.tex b/src/pages/p0345.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4ea9d8b --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0345.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 345 — printed page 343 — Chapter 10 (cont.) +\origpage{343}trained with hot-metal composition. Page make-up and corrections were ostensibly easier with film than metal, but composing-room technicians were unskilled in working with a scalpel on the unfamiliar gelatinous sheet.\fn{16}{\emph{Monotype Recorder,} 42, no. 2, p. 5.} Care had to be taken to achieve uniformity of colour when stripping in corrections or adding text set at a different time to the original copy. Variations in quality could easily occur depending on the batch of film used; the strength, age, and temperature of the developer; and the intensity of the light source. Monotype sought to alleviate this problem by supplying a Monophoto Test Negative\fn{17}{Described in \emph{The Monotype Recorder,} 42, 2, p. 7.} for controlling the quality of the typeset output. + +Another problem experienced by the composing-room concerned the measurement of type. For at least two centuries,\fn{18}{See Moxon, \emph{Mechanick Exercises,} pp. 19-27.} type had been cast in sizes bearing such names as Minion, Pica and Cicero. The sizes, however, bore no relation to each other and could vary from one foundry to another. A standardization of type height and a systematic means of type measurement were advocated by the French Government in 1723, but the vested interests of established founders and printers inhibited its realization for more than ten years. In 1737 the Parisian typefounder, Pierre Simon Fournier,\fn{19}{Sometimes referred to as Simon-Pierre; see James Mosley, \emph{An Introduction to Pierre Simon Fournier's Modèles des Caractères de l'Imprimerie} (London, 1965), p. 3.} devised the point system of measurement in which a point measured 0.0137 of the English inch or 0.349 mm. All body-sizes were to be cast to a definite number of points; Cicero, for instance, measured twelve points.\fn{20}{Cicero was a measurement used in Europe which came to be used for defining line measure (length), as Pica was in England.} This system was published by Fournier in his 1742 specimen book \emph{Modèles des Caractères.}\fn{21}{S.P. Fournier, \emph{Modèles des Caractères de l'Imprimerie} (Paris, 1742); a copy of which is held at the St Bride Printing Library.} He subsequently described it in greater detail in the first volume of \emph{Manuel} diff --git a/src/pages/p0346.tex b/src/pages/p0346.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ee2431c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0346.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 346 — printed page 344 — Chapter 10 (cont.) +\origpage{344}\emph{Typographique.}\fn{22}{P.S. Fournier, \emph{Manuel Typographique,} I, (Paris, 1764).} After his death,\fn{23}{Fournier died in 1768; it is not known exactly when Didot established his system of measurement.} another Parisian typefounder, Francois Ambrose Didot, revised Fournier's system according to the official linear measure of France, \emph{pied-du-roi;} a point now measured 0.0148 inch or 0.3759mm. Although disliked by many typefounders, it became the standard system of type measurement in most of Europe.\fn{24}{Belgium still uses the Fournier system; Tracy, `The Point', \emph{Penrose Annual,} 55 (London, 1961), p. 64.} + +The American point system, which was adopted by Britain in 1898, was not established until after the great Chicago fire of 1871 in which the typefoundry of Marder, Luse \& Co. was destroyed. The foundry's reconstruction under John Marder's supervision resulted in the implementation of a system devised by Nelson Crocker Hawks, a Milwaukee printer, who was, presumably, conversant with the French systems. His idea was to adopt a standard pica that was divisible into twelve parts called points and each body-size of type would amount to a specific number of points. This system was formally adopted in September 1886 by the United States Type Founder's Association, of which Marder was vice-president. However, the pica chosen as a standard was not that used by Marder's foundry, but the more commonly used pica which measured 0.166044 inch.\fn{25}{Tracy, `The Point', p. 67.} + +Neither the Didot system nor the American point system proved very satisfactory: the former did not match the European metric system; the latter did not match the foot and inch measures used in Britain and America. Many English printers wishing to use existing stocks of type continued with the old English type body-sizes, particularly in the smaller text sizes.\fn{26}{See pl. 150 showing sizes in use at OUP in 1969.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0347.tex b/src/pages/p0347.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..80f4f52 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0347.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 347 — printed page 345 — plate 150 +\plateop{345}{150}{plates/p0347.png}{Oxford University Press: \emph{Type Body Sizes; Monotype Keyboard and Caster Equipment} (February, 1969)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0348.tex b/src/pages/p0348.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..03a7aa0 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0348.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 348 — printed page 346 — Chapter 10 (cont.) +\origpage{346}Since the British were the most influential in the design of Indian typefaces, it is not surprising that the same systems of measurement, however inappropriate, were employed for Indian founts. The earliest founts were cast by means of adjustable hand-moulds in sizes most suited to their purposes. However, in order to classify these types in type specimen books, and in order to indicate the Latin faces with which they would most appropriately align, the foundries of Vincent Figgins, Stephen Austin, and certain Indian foundries\fn{27}{e.g. the Gujarati Type Foundry at the turn of the century; Geoffrey Osborne, `An Unusual Type Specimen Book from India', \emph{Matrix,} 2 (Winter, 1982), p. 100.} soon allocated English body-size measurements to Indian language founts. The difficulties of defining the type height of Indian founts which employ Wilkins's \emph{phalā} system or the Degree system of composition, are illustrated by an extract from the Oxford University Press's description of its `Sanskrit Paragon'\fn{28}{Paragon, in this case, being equivalent to about 19 point.} Devanagari founts: + +\begin{extract} +The original fount (purchased from Mr Watts, of Crown Court, Temple Bar, London) includes types on English and Bourgeois bodies, and points on a Pearl body. The latter are justified with the English body (either at the top or bottom, or with the Bourgeois for both top and bottom).\fn{29}{\emph{List of Ancient and Modern Greek and Oriental Founts at the University Press, Oxford} (Oxford, 1959), p. 28.} +\end{extract} + +Oxford \erratum{University}{Univerity} Press also possesses `Sanskrit Old Pica' and `New Pica' founts. The `Old Pica', originally purchased from Watts in about 1840, is described as a `smaller form of the \ldots\ Paragon Sanskrit' which includes `Bourgeois, Pearl and Minikin bodies which are used in combination for making pointed characters'. In order to complete the description, OUP was forced to resort to the new point system of measurement by concluding that the sorts `419-23 are cast on 3-pt body.'\fn{30}{\emph{List of \ldots\ Oriental Founts,} p. 29.} OUP's Bengali founts which originated from a later date are not so elaborately described: the Figgins fount, acquired diff --git a/src/pages/p0349.tex b/src/pages/p0349.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9c10f67 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0349.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 349 — printed page 347 — Chapter 10 (cont.) +\origpage{347}in 1888, is simply called `Bengali 3nk Pica'; its hot-metal fount of the Monotype 470 series has Monotype's `12 pt' classification. + +Such designations for Indian vernacular founts, however unsuitable, do assist the typographer in copyfitting. Type measurement, however, only refers to the actual size of the metal body, not to the appearance of the face. A face which is small on the body - small x-height - but has long ascenders can be the same point size as one that is large on the body with short ascenders and descenders, however, the visual appearance will be quite different.\fn{31}{And would probably require different leading.} Furthermore, if the main body-size of a non-Latin fount is identical in the case of, for example, Burmese and Devanagari, the actual depth taken up on the page will be far greater in the latter, since it uses superscribed and subscribed vowel signs: the manner of composition, therefore, is also crucial to measurement. The linear setting of, for instance, 8 point Linotype Bengali Light No. 2 may achieve more lines to the inch than the equivalent matter set in 8 point Monotype Bengali 470, but it will fit less words to the line owing to the linecaster's inability to kern.\fn{32}{Assuming that the set width of the Linotype sorts is not considerably narrower than the Monotype Bengali.} + +The advent of filmsetting brought with it further complications relating to type measurement for both Latin and non-Latin founts. Metal body-size has no true significance in film, yet, for want of a new system, type composed photographically is still specified according to the point system.\fn{33}{Some specifiers use millimetres.} As John Seybold writes, `The point size is, in a sense, an abstract concept which relates to the amount of vertical white space necessary to accommodate the distance from the lowest descender to the highest ascender, plus clearance from above and below the letter.'\fn{34}{Seybold, \emph{Digital Typesetting,} p. 35.} The only relevant dimension in film is the height and diff --git a/src/pages/p0350.tex b/src/pages/p0350.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a073b16 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0350.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 350 — printed page 348 — Chapter 10 (cont.) +\origpage{348}depth of the image, leading can be adjusted in hitherto unattainable fractions of points\fn{35}{e.g. 10 point on 9½ point.} depending on the job in hand. In consequence, it is extremely difficult to ascertain simply by measuring copy the point size of a typeface set by film, unless the interlinear spacing is also known. + +In the case of Indian founts the problem is exacerbated by the ability of some machines to `float accents' in their correct positions by means of superimposition. Whilst this facility improves the quality and readability of the text, the compositor cannot assume that the depth-count will be identical to that of the same text set in hot-metal using the equivalent typeface,\fn{36}{Produced by the same manufacturer.} at the same point size, with the same leading. Similarly, the ability to alter the intercharacter spacing by discriminatory kerning, or by utilizing the condensing or expanding \erratum{facilities}{facilties} which became available, necessarily renders the set width of the typeface at variance with that of its hot-metal counterpart. The Monotype Corporation repeatedly stressed that Monotype copyfitting tables were \erratum{not to be}{not be} used with Monophoto founts.\fn{37}{e.g. \emph{Monotype Recorder,} 42, no. 2, p. 15 and \emph{Monotype Recorder,} 43, no. 2, p. 17.} + +Another factor serves to differentiate metal and film founts, namely sizing. Founts of foundry type had been designed according to the characteristics most suited to their type size. Just as the earliest types strove to emulate handwriting, the first hot-metal founts for mechanical composition sought to imitate foundry types and, therefore, to maintain the principle of optical compensation by manufacturing different styles of the same face in different type sizes. As has already been mentioned, compromises were introduced when the same drawing or pattern was employed to create more than one size of the same typeface.\fn{38}{See above, chapter 8.} Normally, three masters were used to create matrices in a whole range of sizes; a different set of matrices was required for each point size in hot-metal composition. In the case of filmsetting, one matrix case could diff --git a/src/pages/p0351.tex b/src/pages/p0351.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6583a2b --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0351.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 351 — printed page 349 — Chapter 10 (cont.) +\origpage{349}be used to set all sizes from 6 to 24 point with the result that typefaces would appear ill-proportioned in certain sizes. Consequently, the letterforms exhibited divergencies from the hot-metal designs rendering them unacceptable to many users, who wished to purchase `known standards'.\fn{39}{\emph{The Monotype Recorder,} 43, no. 2, p. 12.} Monotype\fn{40}{And others, including Linotype, see below.} attempted to remedy this problem by introducing two, or sometimes three, sets of matrices to maintain the correct proportions of the typeface. The master size on the Monophoto matrix approximated 8 point. + +For reasons of economy and, as indicated above, for the sake of \erratum{compatibility}{compatability} in line with customer expectations,\fn{41}{See also below, pp. 362-3.} the first film founts were photographic copies of the hot-metal designs. Such was the case with Monotype's Bengali founts. The one distinction was the use of double-exposure techniques in place of overhanging characters. Bengali Monophoto founts were introduced in 1970 for the Mark 3 version of the Filmsetter.\fn{42}{See pl. 151 showing a film matrix case of Bengali.} This machine was still a mechanical photosetter, but it possessed superior optics which improved the character fit; the revised gear box enabled it to expose at a speed of 144 characters per minute, at one fiftieth of a second. The Bengali script was also implemented on later versions of the Monophoto: the Mark 4, which had an increased character set of 340 characters; and the Mark 5, which could no longer be classed as a first-generation device and whose facilities principally assisted mathematical composition.\fn{43}{The All India Press at Pondicherry installed all three models.} However, repeated attempts to obtain matter composed with Bengali Monophoto founts produced at this time have proved unsuccessful.\fn{44}{Monophoto founts were redesigned, but not during the period under discussion [i.e. in 1984].} diff --git a/src/pages/p0352.tex b/src/pages/p0352.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5d81dab --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0352.tex @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +% PDF page 352 — printed page 350 — plate 151 (three halftones; the original prints +% its caption across the foot of the third photograph, so it survives inside the image) +\plateop{350}{151}{plates/p0352.png}{Monotype Bengali film matrix case} diff --git a/src/pages/p0353.tex b/src/pages/p0353.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b9c757c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0353.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 353 — printed page 351 — Chapter 10 (cont.) +\origpage{351}Second-generation phototypesetters still employed master negatives and a direct light source to produce type images, but they differed from first-generation machines in that they were not adaptations of hot-metal devices. Second-generation machines were designed specifically as phototypesetters; they relied less on mechanical parts which were increasingly substituted by electronic components. Higher setting speeds were characteristic of these machines: between forty and several hundred characters a second could be exposed. Speed had become a crucial factor in the printing industry, particularly for newspaper composition. Grids, film strips, or discs contained the character sets. The number of characters held varied: at times two grids or strips were required for one fount, usually both being simultaneously accessible. Characters were either exposed when stationary or moving (`on the fly'). When exposing `on the fly' in particular, the critical timing of the illumination, the accuracy of the character positioning on the negative, and the quality of the lenses and design of the typeface were all vital to the sharpness of the image. + +Character sizing of second-generation typesetters was effected by changing the lens (or lens position), the film strip, or the disc containing one or more master sizes.\fn{45}{There was always an enlarging factor, i.e not a one for one relationship.} Usually, however, type could be sized automatically without stopping the typesetter. The Linofilm, the first machine of this kind introduced by the Mergenthaler Linotype Company, offered the ability to change the size of the lens\fn{46}{It utilized a zoom lens. The Linotype Company had also considered adapting the hot-metal linecasting machine; Moran, \emph{Filmsetting,} p. 235.} and the master by supplying A, B, and C-range masters for the purpose of optical compensation. A-range founts were intended for text sizes; B-range founts for 12 to 18 point; and C-range for 18 to 36 point.\fn{47}{Other sizes were available; John W. Seybold, \emph{Fundamentals of Modern Photocomposition} (Pennsylvania, 1979), p. 96.} The founts were held in a grid basket, containing 18 grids of 88 characters, which would rotate in response to the particular command keys of the keyboard. diff --git a/src/pages/p0354.tex b/src/pages/p0354.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..abc4f35 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0354.tex @@ -0,0 +1,16 @@ +% PDF page 354 — printed page 352 — Chapter 10 (cont.) +\origpage{352}In 1956 investigations were made by the Mergenthaler Linotype Company to implement Bengali and Urdu on the Linofilm in response to an enquiry from Tor Gjedsdal, the UNESCO Director of Mass Communication. At this point, Linotype hot-metal Bengali founts were being supplied in two 90-channel magazines with an additional 160 pi characters; the Linofilm could easily accommodate this character repertoire, but the real problem lay in the keyboarding, as Scordato explained: + +\begin{extract} +Whatever the number of characters available in the machine, these can only be selected through the medium of the keyboard that has 44 keys which, with shift and unshift positions, makes identically available 88 characters \ldots. + +It is necessary to have all the characters in their finished form on the character grid available from the 44 keys of the keyboard. Since this is virtually impossible, other means such as keyboard charts, must be resorted to. In this case five keyboard charts would be required in addition to the layout on the keyboard itself. +\end{extract} + +The project was never realized, for Mergenthaler concluded: + +\begin{extract} +Studies are proceeding on the numerous problems of using Linofilm on the photocomposition of foreign languages. The strides that photocomposition will make now and in the future, depend essentially upon the economics of the \emph{entire} photo-reproductive process.\fn{48}{MC 918b: E. A. Scordato to the Secretary of the Pakistan National Commission for UNESCO, July 1956.} +\end{extract} + +Another photosetter produced by the Mergenthaler Company was also considered for the composition of Bengali: the V-I-P, which gained considerable popularity in the 1970s. Similar to the Linofilm, the V-I-P held A and B fount ranges;\fn{49}{Not in all models; Seybold, \emph{Modern Photocomposition,} pp. 96-97. Of course, there was nothing to prevent customers using the founts at the wrong sizes.} these covered the type sizes 6 to 72 point.\fn{50}{For further details see Linotype-Paul Ltd, \emph{V-I-P Operation Manual} (January, 1978).} Some typefaces were specifically designed to be set from one master.\fn{51}{e.g. Icone by Adrian Frutiger. His typeface Meridien was re-worked for photocomposition; Frutiger, \emph{Type Sign Symbol,} pp. 16-17 and 32. See also below, chapter 11.} The firm D. Stempel AG,\fn{52}{Now part of Linotype AG.} who diff --git a/src/pages/p0355.tex b/src/pages/p0355.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f6df59d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0355.tex @@ -0,0 +1,18 @@ +% PDF page 355 — printed page 353 — Chapter 10 (cont.) +\origpage{353}manufactured V-I-P fonts,\fn{53}{As well as MLCo in the USA} produced an information bulletin that explained the significance of the design sizes: + +\begin{extract} +The artwork for the majority of our photocomp typefaces has been drawn to permit the proper setting of the entire size range from only one font.\ldots. + +Of course to guarantee that typefaces look their best in all sizes, the spacing between characters should be tightened or loosened to correspond to the enlarged or reduced character size.\ldots. + +Some typefaces, such as Bodoni, rely on the fine contrast between thick and thin. If we take a font of Bodoni, enlargement or reduction may lead to a loss in quality since the serifs, which are a characteristic design element of Bodoni, become too thick or too thin. For this reason we offer a range of design sizes. +\end{extract} + +The information bulletin also stated: + +\begin{extract} +Special design sizes may also be required if \qslip{compatability} with hot metal type is called for.\fn{54}{Stempel, \emph{Information; Photocomp Type Faces} (January, 1980), Design Sizes [p.1].} +\end{extract} + +The introduction of on-line casters for teletypesetting (TTS) in the 1930s - whereby type could be set at remote locations by transmitting impulses via a telegraph or telephone line - prompted the Linotype company to adopt Monotype's relative-unit system of 18 units to the em.\fn{55}{Since the keyboard was necessarily separated from the caster. At first the founts had to have uniform widths, i.e. lower case `a' had to take on the same width in every typeface and style; Seybold, \emph{Digital Typesetting,} p. 61.} The `saleable' typefaces were refitted, `one unit was reserved for kerning, and roman and italic f were redesigned accordingly, as was the capital W where the original was wider than 17 units'.\fn{56}{Tracy, \emph{Letters of Credit,} p. 41.} The use of this system was also vital to Mergenthaler's phototypesetting machines, whose employment of lenses, rather than different matrices, for changing sizes required the storage and calculation of the relative widths peculiar to each typestyle,\fn{57}{Widths were no longer duplexed.} which were translatable into absolute terms by the software. The V-I-P used punched paper width-tapes for diff --git a/src/pages/p0356.tex b/src/pages/p0356.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b6868f2 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0356.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 356 — printed page 354 — Chapter 10 (cont.) +\origpage{354}each font to load the width data into the core memory of the machine.\fn{58}{\emph{V-I-P Operation Manual,} Processing Sequence, p. 35.} The maximum width was eighteen units and the minimum, apart from zero unit accents, was four units. Within these delimiters, special width modifications could be made by altering the paper tape. A central processing unit performed the typographic functions which included `end-of-line decisions, hyphenation and the determination of interword space and letterspace values required to justify the line'.\fn{59}{Ibid., p. 5.} + +Different processing, however, was required for the setting of non-Latin scripts by the V-I-P. The development of software specifically to process Arabic and Indian scripts was undertaken by the British company, then called Linotype-Paul Ltd, and it represented the beginning of a commitment by the company to produce non-Latin typesetting of a quality comparable to that of Latin. In the case of Devanagari and Gujarati, which shared the same software, this was confined to designing an accent-placement routine and hyphenation/justification logic. It was recognized that the normal V-I-P accent-placement routines would compromise the scripts to an unacceptable extent; although considerably less than in the case of hot-metal Linotype setting. Both scripts demanded the placement of superscripts to the right of the letterforms, generally above the main upright stroke (\emph{kana}), but in some cases they needed to be centred, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0356-b01.png} . Similar placements below the characters were required for the subscripts (vowels, \emph{halant,} etc.).\fn{60}{See pl. 152 where problems occur with \ig{plates/inline/p0356-b02.png} . Bengali `accent-placement' is more demanding than Devanagari; see below pls. 165 and 168.} This facility had not been possible with the slugcaster. + +Indian language hyphenation - breaking words at the end of a line but not necessarily with a hyphen - is extremely simple in comparison to English language setting, but the fount scheme called for by the V-I-P rendered it more diff --git a/src/pages/p0357.tex b/src/pages/p0357.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..db76ed6 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0357.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 357 — printed page 355 — plate 152 +\plateop{355}{152}{plates/p0357.png}{V-I-P accent placements for Devanagari} diff --git a/src/pages/p0358.tex b/src/pages/p0358.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..363b920 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0358.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 358 — printed page 356 — Chapter 10 (cont.) +\origpage{356}complex. The V-I-P film strips which were fixed to a rotating drum carried 96 characters. In order to make up the necessary complement of characters, the Devanagari founts occupied four film strips: founts 1 and 2 for the light face; and founts 3 and 4 for the bold.\fn{61}{See pls. 153 and 154.} The layouts of founts 1 and 3 were identical, but founts 2 and 4 differed. In addition to the Devanagari letterforms, numerals, and mathematical signs, both founts contained a contingent of characters unique to the fount that were of `common weight', i.e. they could be used with the light or the bold fount. These comprised superior figures and other signs deemed necessary for setting Devanagari. + +The limitations of the V-I-P fount capacity necessitated the use of the linecaster method of composing Devanagari conjuncts devised by Hari Govil which utilized \emph{half-forms.}\fn{62}{See above, chapter 8. The linecaster used \emph{half-forms} to create base characters; see Naik, \emph{Typography of Devanagari,} pp. 209-30.} Indeed, the V-I-P still required that the infrequent letterform \ig{plates/inline/p0358-c01.png} be made up of a \emph{half-form} \ig{plates/inline/p0358-c02.png} and a \emph{kana} \ig{plates/inline/p0358-c03.png} . The justification software when making end-of-line decisions therefore had to take into account the presence of half characters. Care had to be taken when breaking a word that half characters did not become separated, and that at least four characters were carried over to the next line. It was possible to cancel the use of hyphenation: the typesetter would then justify the lines, if required, by altering the interword spacing. + +There existed a considerable difference between the output of the V-I-P and the printed image of Linotype hot-metal Devanagari: the typeface had been redesigned.\fn{63}{By Matthew Carter based on a Nirnaya Sagar foundry face. It was subsequently redesigned by Carter and the Linotype-Paul Letter Drawing Office for the Linotron 202 typesetter.} Moreover, the new design was enhanced by the implementation of the sorely-needed\fn{64}{Particularly for Indian and Arabic scripts.} kerning facilities and software for accurate diacritical positioning that phototypesetting allowed Linotype customers to enjoy for the first time. The significant improvement to the typeface clearly removed the diff --git a/src/pages/p0359.tex b/src/pages/p0359.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e0b3a84 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0359.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 359 — printed page 357 — plate 153 +\plateop{357}{153}{plates/p0359.png}{V-I-P Devanagari Light keyboard layouts} diff --git a/src/pages/p0360.tex b/src/pages/p0360.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d24db55 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0360.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 360 — printed page 358 — plate 154 +\plateop{358}{154}{plates/p0360.png}{V-I-P Devanagari Bold keyboard layouts} diff --git a/src/pages/p0361.tex b/src/pages/p0361.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7fe6cc --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0361.tex @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +% PDF page 361 — printed page 359 — Chapter 10 (cont.) +\origpage{359}possibility of maintaining compatibility between hot-metal and photocomposed Linotype Devanagari. The hot-metal Devanagari founts, which were clearly inferior in design to the Monotype Devanagari founts (mainly owing to the limitations of the linecaster), had received a good deal of criticism. The Mergenthaler Linotype Company decided, in defiance of the reading public's conservative nature, to take advantage of the opportunity afforded by the introduction of new technology to revise both weights of the typeface. + +Suggestions were made to develop Bengali V-I-P fonts based on the fount scheme already devised for Gujarati and Devanagari. Walter Tracy, then manager of Typographic Development at Linotype and Machinery Limited, was hopeful that the same layout and hyphenation program could be used for the script. In 1977 he wrote to N. Balasubramaniam, the manager of the Linotype office in India: + +\begin{extract} +we need to have a complete list of all the characters needed by potential customers for the script, using the Mergenthaler Linotype character numbers. The total number of characters in the light and also the bold should be 96 or a multiple of 96 or a number between 96 and 192 which can be made up by the addition of special signs and decorative material, as in the case of Gujarati and Devanagari. In short, the number of characters in the set should be related to the 96 characters contained in a V-I-P font strip. + +Indeed, only when this set of characters is defined in detail will it be possible to compare it character for character with the Gujarati and Devanagari sets of characters in order to see whether the present program can be used for Bengali.\fn{65}{LC 17A: Tracy to Bala, 3 August 1977.} +\end{extract} + +In view of the developments undertaken for V-I-P Devanagari composition, it is strange to find that the redesign of the Bengali founts was not contemplated before its translation into film. The typeface could have benefited greatly from the kerning and accent placement possibilities alone, placing it on a par with Monotype setting. It seems scarcely credible that MLCo should have considered the Bengali No. 2 designs satisfactory, (no doubt, commercial reasons and tight diff --git a/src/pages/p0362.tex b/src/pages/p0362.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a073cf3 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0362.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 362 — printed page 360 — Chapter 10 (cont.) +\origpage{360}time-scales played a part),\fn{66}{Tracy informed MLCo that he would not have enough staff to undertake the frisket-cutting; LC 17A: telex Tracy to Parker, 1 Jan 1977.} yet the original Bengali hot-metal drawings prepared for punchcutting were to be used. The letterforms needed to be unitized; Tracy suggested that the recently introduced 54-unit system be employed for this purpose\fn{67}{LC 17A: Tracy to Genower, 4 April 1977.} as the 18-unit system was found too coarse to achieve finely-tuned spacing.\fn{68}{See also below, chapter 11.} Thus in the 1970s \erratum{Mergenthaler}{Megenthaler} Linotype adopted the more flexible system of 54 units to the \emph{em;} the V-I-P could accept both systems depending on how many levels of the eight-level width tape were utilized. + +Once the letterforms had been unitized, a negative was required of each sort in the fount. This was accomplished by placing a sheet of rubilith film over the outline drawing of the character. With the aid of a light table, the outline was traced with a scalpel, the rubilith core was then peeled away revealing the character in negative; in this case white on red rather than black: the result was termed a frisket.\fn{69}{See pl. 155; originally the term had a different meaning, see Linotype, \emph{Printing Terms,} p. 17.} The use of a pin-bar and registration holes ensured accuracy in cutting and ultimately in photographing the characters onto a master film fount. Frisket-cutting was thus considerably easier, quicker, and cheaper than punchcutting, particularly in comparison to hand-cut punches. However, the difference in quality is open to debate.\fn{70}{See Morison, \emph{Photographic Composition,} p. 27.} + +V-I-P founts of the Bengali script were never manufactured. Perhaps the keyboarding difficulties were considered insurmountable, as was the case with regard to the Linofilm.\fn{71}{Keyboarding is discussed in chapter 11.} It is certain, however, that if founts had been produced they, like the Monophoto founts, would have been adaptations of the hot-metal designs, but showing considerable divergencies from their progenitors. diff --git a/src/pages/p0363.tex b/src/pages/p0363.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..218e549 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0363.tex @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +% PDF page 363 — printed page 361 — plate 155 (a full-bleed photograph; the original +% prints its caption across the foot of the image, so it survives inside it) +\plateop{361}{155}{plates/p0363.png}{Example of a frisket (reduced by 30\%) cut by Lesley Sewell} diff --git a/src/pages/p0364.tex b/src/pages/p0364.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d13000d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0364.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 364 — printed page 362 — Chapter 10 (cont.) +\origpage{362}The quality of the character fit, and therefore legibility, would have improved, but not the design. Possibly the lack of linguistic knowledge on the part of the Western fount manufacturers made them reluctant to tamper with non-Latin type designs whose hot-metal forms had been found `acceptable'.\fn{72}{The Linotype Devanagari was clearly not acceptable.} It is more likely, however, that the precedent set by the development of Latin founts was followed for non-Latin scripts. + +The manufacturers of type and typesetting equipment have constantly experienced that `In the continuous-reading field, nothing whatever goes as a type design that offends against the canon of familiarity'.\fn{73}{Beatrice Warde, `Type Design in the New Cold-Type Age', \emph{Print in Britain} (September, 1963), Supplement, p. 10.} Thus the production programme of film founts repeated the initial approach to fount manufacture both at the advent of movable metal type and at the introduction of mechanical typecasters: in order to gain the acceptance of the reading public, new typeforms should be imitative of, if not indistinguishable from, their precursors. Compromises were unavoidable, but the intention existed of reproducing even seventeenth-century type in Monotype hot-metal founts, despite the fact that new typesetting and printing technology would have benefited from the use of less anachronistic type designs. Bengali and other non-Latin scripts could have profited greatly by exploiting the possibilities of filmsetting, but as in the case of Latin founts, revolutions in typesetting and printing technology were not echoed by revolutions in type design. Although typeforms could now be freed from the constraints of metal, new processes of fount manufacture for photocomposition were not taken full advantage of until they became firmly established. In an article entitled `Type Design in the New Cold-type Age', Beatrice Warde, former publicity manager of the Monotype Corporation and editor of \emph{The Monotype Recorder,} vividly described the situation in 1963: diff --git a/src/pages/p0365.tex b/src/pages/p0365.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cd8e862 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0365.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 365 — printed page 363 — Chapter 10 (end) +\origpage{363}\begin{extract} +Here for the first time in printing history it has become possible to design a typeface without any reference to the behaviour of steel, under the shaping tool or under the blow that sinks the punch into the matrix-metal; or to the limitations of metal casting (such as the difficulty of making letters appear to link); or to the behaviour of lead under repeated pressure. No need to allow for `bevel' and, much less chance that a `small counter' (enclosed white space) will be filled-in by the spread of the ink. Here, for the first time, type can be designed in terms of white-on-dark print - with due attention to the effects of halation, but no worry about extra cost or time. Again for the first time, an entire series (of sizes) of a new face can be thought of as comprised in one set of master-letters - with all the resulting need for forethought about the effects of mechanical enlargement and reduction. The designer whose fingers are itching for a chance to explore the many possibilities may well drum those fingers impatiently as the new machines are fitted out with matrices of `the most popular' designs of the past fifty years.\fn{74}{Warde, `Type Design', p. 9.} +\end{extract} + +Nevertheless the early years of filmsetting did furnish the type designer and type manufacturer with a greater appreciation of the capabilities of photocomposition and the implications it held for vernacular setting. The limitations of the V-I-P Gujarati and Devanagari founts and method of composition played an essential role in defining the requirements for the implementation of the Bengali script on third-generation typesetters in the late 1970s. diff --git a/src/pages/p0366.tex b/src/pages/p0366.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5b3f768 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0366.tex @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +% PDF page 366 — printed page 364 — Chapter 11 opens +\chapnum{Chapter 11}{Digital Photocomposition} +\origpage{364}The advent of phototypesetting represented a turning point in the history of printing: it signified the demise of the typefounding industry and the eventual obsolescence of hot-metal typesetting equipment. Hot-metal machines have, however, continued to operate in many parts of the world, such as India and Pakistan, where no film founts existed\fn{1}{Or were unsatisfactory.} to compose vernacular languages. But even these areas, whilst bypassing the filmsetting revolution, have been affected by the latest `fundamental revolution in the creation and reproduction of typeforms'\fn{2}{Jonathan Seybold, `Digitized Type: What is it?\ldots', \emph{The Seybold Report,} 8, no. 24 (Aug 27, 1979), p. 3.} - that of digital fount storage and reproduction. This was achieved by a certain type of third-generation phototypesetter. + +A third-generation phototypesetter has been defined as \emph{`one which does not in fact expose type directly from photographic masters but reproduces them electronically on the face of a cathode ray tube'.}\fn{3}{Seybold, \emph{Digital Typesetting,} p. 112; see also Seybold, ibid., pp. 113-4 for further information.} Two kinds of such CRT devices were developed: one which still employs photographic masters with which to generate the image on the cathode ray tube; and another which utilizes stroke dots or patterns, having stored the characters as digital representations, or sets of co-ordinates. An example of the first type is Mergenthaler's Linotron 505 machine,\fn{4}{First exhibited in 1968.} originally designed by two Englishmen, Peter Purdy and Ronald Macintosh, and which was capable of setting 325,000 Latin characters per hour in comparison to 140,000 per hour in the case of the V-I-P. The second kind took setting speeds to another dimension, and is illustrated by the Linotron 202 also developed in England and introduced in diff --git a/src/pages/p0367.tex b/src/pages/p0367.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c973a01 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0367.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 367 — printed page 365 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{365}1978. Although slower than some of its rivals, and its precursor the Linotron 606, the 202 could set almost one million Latin characters per hour, i.e. up to 700 newspaper lines a minute.\fn{5}{`CRT and Laser Typesetter Comparisons 1981', \emph{The Seybold Report.} The more conservative estimate of 450 newspaper lines a minute was the official figure which Linotype would guarantee; Jonathan Seybold, `The Linotron 202: Better than Anybody Anticipated', \emph{The Seybold Report,} 7, no. 21 (July 17, 1978), p. 13.} + +Linotype Mergenthaler contemplated implementing the Bengali script on the 303 machine which was introduced in 1974; it being a faster version of the Linotron 505. But by this time digital equipment was being developed, and so it was to the Linotron 202 that the company looked for its implementation. The 202 did not differ from other contemporary digital CRT typesetters in its basic components which comprised `a minicomputer controller, moving-head disc or discs for font storage, a memory into which the particular font masters to be used at any time may be loaded, an output cathode ray tube, a system for transferring the patterns generated on the face of the tube onto output film or paper, and the film/paper transport'.\fn{6}{Jonathan Seybold, ibid., p. 3.} The machine was all-electronic, possessing few moving parts to be adjusted or renewed: two disc drives, the paper tape reader, two rollers in the film transport, the film advance trip counter, and the cooling fan. Its method of fount storage enabled the 202 to be marketed as the first low cost high-speed digital typesetter, particularly suited to newspaper setting.\fn{7}{Although the past tense is used here, 202 machines are still being manufactured.} + +Since the 202 digitized its characters only in outline form, the lettershapes could be stored on a floppy disc rather than on the more expensive rigid disc utilized by other digital phototypesetters. The outline of the required character was transmitted to the character generator, which performed the sizing and instructed the CRT to fill in the outline with scan lines appropriate to its height and width. The normal stroking resolution was constant at 975 strokes diff --git a/src/pages/p0368.tex b/src/pages/p0368.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a1e9190 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0368.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 368 — printed page 366 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{366}per inch\fn{8}{An option of higher resolution was introduced in 1983 which supplied 1950 scan lines per inch for sizes less than 48pt; above this size, `Superfonts' were required; Linotype-Paul Ltd, \emph{Linotron 202N Operation Manual} (September, 1983), sections 1-2 and 8-5. See also pl. 156.} regardless of the point size, which was generated electronically without lenses, prisms, or mirrors - the photographic material being in direct contact with the fibre optic face-plate of the CRT. Only one fount master was thus required to reproduce all 136 sizes from 4½ to 72 point;\fn{9}{`Superfonts' (Latin only) extended this range above 96 pt.} between thirty and forty Latin fonts could be stored on each floppy disc.\fn{10}{This was a conservative estimate given by the company. About 60 fonts could be stored; 100 fonts on a double-sided disc (typefaces with serifs occupied more room).} + +In addition to the benefits of being relatively low in cost and high in output speed, this typesetter possessed other advantages over photomechanical typesetters. Its design using electronic controls ensured increased reliability,\fn{11}{Even installations in remote parts of India did not feel the need for back-up machines.} greater accuracy of character alignment and positioning, and improved consistency in exposure.\fn{12}{But see below; see also Charles A. Bigelow, `Technology and the Aesthetics of Type', \emph{The Seybold Report,} 10 (Aug 24, 1981), p. 10.} Because no lenses were employed for enlargement, the machine could provide constant sharpness of image at larger point sizes, and possessed the ability to expand, condense and slant type electronically;\fn{13}{The latter was no substitute for a true italic fount. Other facilities included automatic generation of fractions.} but as was the case with all digital founts, the quality of the image presented new problems and was a matter of concern to type designers. + +Various techniques were available for digitizing characters; the method employed by Mergenthaler was also adopted by some other manufacturers. A frisket - identical to that produced for V-I-P\fn{14}{See above, chapter 10. Often V-I-P friskets were used for 202 digitizations (see pl. 155); for the earlier 606 digital typesetter, some artwork required revision because of a difference in the imaging window.} - was required of each character. Each pre-punched frisket was fixed in register to a revolving drum and scanned at approximately 30000 by 30000 resolutions per em. This was accomplished by diff --git a/src/pages/p0369.tex b/src/pages/p0369.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..98d3389 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0369.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 369 — printed page 367 — plate 156 +\plateop{367}{156}{plates/p0369.png}{`Comparison of normal and high resolution output'; Linotype-Paul Ltd, \emph{202N Operation Manual,} (September, 1983) fig. 8-3} diff --git a/src/pages/p0370.tex b/src/pages/p0370.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d9fac74 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0370.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 370 — printed page 368 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{368}`using a light source to detect the change from positive to negative on film and record these ``crossover'' points' or `transitions from light to dark'.\fn{15}{Edward H. Bunnell, \emph{Understanding Digital Type} (New York, 1978) pp. 8 and 9. The 202 permitted only 16 intersections; see pl. 157 which shows an image that caused problems in digitization.} The original scan data was then reduced to 432 by 432 per em resolution for the 48 point master of the Linotron 404 and 606 machines, and the information was stored on magnetic tape. + +A print-out of the resulting dot-matrix pattern was produced by means of a Versatec printer for proofing purposes.\fn{16}{See pl. 158.} It was scrutinized by trained letter-drawers who would mark it for editing or re-editing, indicating which superfluous or missing picture elements (pixels) should be removed or added; the size of the basic element being related to the writing spot of the output device. Editing amounted to a skilful and time-consuming process because it involved the manipulation of the letterform image by altering the bit-maps on a visual \erratum{display}{diplay} unit (VDU). Correction programs existed to check consistency in stroke weight, alignment, and so forth as well as to accelerate the editing process, but compromises were inevitable. The 202 character outlines, which were derived from the 606 48-point master, were described as straight-line segments.\fn{17}{See Jonathan Seybold, `The Linotron 202', p. 8.} With the breakdown of each letterform into discrete elements, the edge quality of the characters suffered; at large sizes, the straight-line segments became visible on curves and diagonals.\fn{18}{See pl. 159.} The trueness of the digital output to the original letter-drawing depended, to some extent, on the nature of the design,\fn{19}{i.e. some designs translated into digital typeforms better than others; see below, p. 386-8. See also Bunnell, \emph{Understanding Digital Type,} pp. 15-16.} but it also relied on the resolution of the machine, and the size and sharpness of its writing spot.\fn{20}{The writing spot on the 202 was 1.1 to 1.2 mils at the centre of the tube; Jonathan Seybold, `The Linotron 202', p. 4. See pl. 160 showing a summary of the digitization process.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0371.tex b/src/pages/p0371.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..090c257 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0371.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 371 — printed page 369 — plate 157 (the scan is 5° out of square; deskewed) +\plateop{369}{157}{plates/p0371.png}{Example of a character with too many intersections for scanning in one pass.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0372.tex b/src/pages/p0372.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..bd1da94 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0372.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 372 — printed page 370 — plate 158 +\plateop{370}{158}{plates/p0372.png}{Versatec output of Bengali digital \erratum{characters}{charaters}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0373.tex b/src/pages/p0373.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8aadd8d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0373.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 373 — printed page 371 — plate 159 +\plateop{371}{159}{plates/p0373.png}{Comparisons of V-I-P and 202 output\\(400\% of original size)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0374.tex b/src/pages/p0374.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..54f70f0 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0374.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 374 — printed page 372 — plate 160 +\plateop{372}{160}{plates/p0374.png}{Diagram of the 202 fount manufacturing process; Linotype Ltd, \emph{Genesis of a Typeface, From the Design to the Digital Form [1987]}\\Frisket cutting is not shown here as photographic friskets are now usually produced; or else drawings are scanned in using the Ikarus system.} diff --git a/src/pages/p0375.tex b/src/pages/p0375.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e8b7fd1 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0375.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 375 — printed page 373 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{373}The exact replication of analogue artwork in digital format was not possible, yet the pattern, which has run throughout printing history,\fn{21}{See above, chapters 2, 6 and 10.} of using new technology to imitate the products of previous technologies was repeated even here. Major fount manufacturers who embraced the technical process of digital photocomposition initially sought to reproduce their existing founts, however inappropriate, in the new format. In order to reassure customers, comparisons were made between the output of the newer and the later technologies - the latter usually showing inferior results.\fn{22}{See Jonathan Seybold, `The Linotron 202', p. 9. It should be added that some founts were digitized in anticipation of future improvements in resolution and digitizing techniques.} In fact, Mergenthaler not only wanted to digitize all its existing founts, which made good commercial sense, but it also began by emulating the typesetting programs designed for filmsetting instead of taking advantage of the freedom presented by the new technical changes.\fn{23}{See Jonathan Seybold, `The Linotron 202', p. 8.} + +The request to implement the Bengali script on the Linotron 202 was met with the customary response of favouring imitation rather than innovation. Whilst no film founts had been made of the hot-metal Bengali No. 2 designs, Linotype still possessed the drawings that had been prepared for punchcutting. The first customer who wished to purchase a 202 for setting Bengali was Ananda Bazar Patrika Ltd, also the first customer of the Bengali Linotype. It therefore seemed convenient, logical, and economic to use the existing drawings. The plan was to unitize the artwork prior to frisket-cutting and digitization. It was hoped that readers of \emph{Ananda Bazar Patrika} would not object to the unavoidable discrepancies between the output of the old and the new founts. + +The notion of emulating all the defects of the linecaster merely to pander to reader conservatism could not be considered laudable. Early trials of cutting diff --git a/src/pages/p0376.tex b/src/pages/p0376.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0d6693e --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0376.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 376 — printed page 374 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{374}friskets from newly-unitized artwork emphasized the limitations of such an approach. Not only would digital founts inherit the deficiencies of the hot-metal designs, but problems would soon be encountered in digitizing letterforms designed for another method of composition.\fn{24}{Described below; see also Frutiger, \emph{Type Sign Symbol,} pp. 41 and 44.} Other factors led Linotype to the conclusion that the mere re-processing of existing founts was inappropriate and retrogressive. The adaptation of Devanagari for the V-I-P was not as successful as Linotype would have wished. `old' was not necessarily `best'; Bengali No. 2, irrespective of kerning problems, had not proved entirely satisfactory. Moreover, the investment of intensive research and finance into the enormous technical development of digital photocomposition merited a certain degree of investment in the area of type design. Upon the recommendation of Balasubramanian, then managing director of Linotype Associates India Private Ltd,\fn{25}{Bala, as he was known, was a respected figure in the Indian printing industry; he died 23 Jan 1982.} the responsibility for the design and implementation of new founts and the typesetting scheme fell to the department of Typographic Research and Development of Linotype-Paul Limited\fn{26}{Project undertaken by Fiona Ross, then research assistant; 1979 head of Language Research and Development; 1985 manager of Typographic R \& D.} situated in London.\fn{27}{In 1979 the department moved to Cheltenham; in 1987 Linotype-Paul Ltd became Linotype Limited.} + +The function of the typeface formed the department's first consideration. The brief received from Ananda Bazar Patrika was for Linotype-Paul to produce a text typeface with a complementary bold fount for its daily Bengali language newspaper, which was to be printed by offset-lithography in Calcutta.\fn{28}{The printing of the daily \emph{Ananda Bazar Patrika} was converted to offset-litho in June 1982.} In time, the founts might be used for different publications such as magazines and books also published by Ananda Publishers Private Ltd. The style of type design constituted another major consideration. The criteria commonly regarded as being essential to a good text face, as described by John Dreyfus, were clearly not applicable to the hot-metal Bengali No. 2 designs: diff --git a/src/pages/p0377.tex b/src/pages/p0377.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ef203f8 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0377.tex @@ -0,0 +1,18 @@ +% PDF page 377 — printed page 375 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{375}\begin{extract} +The eye must be able to read a text type without difficulty or distraction, but at the same time the human mind must derive some degree of conscious or unconscious pleasure from the impression which the design creates.\fn{29}{John Dreyfus, `A Turning Point in Type Design', \emph{Visible Language,} XIX, no. 1 (Winter, 1985), pp. 17-18.} +\end{extract} + +Nor were the hallmarks of good design apparent: + +\begin{extract} +the qualities to be looked for in a text type are the absence of any marked peculiarities in the letters, and the ease with which the complete set of letters combine.\fn{30}{Dreyfus, ibid, p. 20.} +\end{extract} + +It had to be established whether Ananda Bazar Patrika desired what has aptly been described as `ersatz design'\fn{31}{Hermann Zapf, `Future Tendencies in Type Design', \emph{Visible Language,} XIX, no. 1, p. 26.} or whether the customer was receptive to change. In June 1979 Linotype-Paul wrote to the works manager of Ananda Bazar Patrika Ltd, Mr P. K. Mukherji, with suggestions to alter three characters, viz. \ig{plates/inline/p0377-e01.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0377-e02.png} , and \ig{plates/inline/p0377-e03.png} : + +\begin{extract} +please find enclosed three rough drawings\fn{32}{Only one is extant; see pl. 161.} which are suggestions for alternative designs of three basic characters, viz. nos. 156, 157 and 164. In the past our typeface has received criticism regarding the shapes of the vowel signs which had been restricted by the limitations of hot metal. Since these limitations no longer apply, it is possible to implement any changes of design you may consider necessary. Your newspaper, however, has always been associated with the original typeface, and you may naturally feel it would be preferable to keep to the original design.\fn{33}{Ross to P.K. Mukherji, 6 June 1979.} +\end{extract} + +Ananda Bazar Patrika's approval of the proposed revisions effectively gave Linotype licence to re-evaluate the design of all the letterforms and to conceive a new design that took advantage of the flexibility of digital photocomposition to achieve quality comparable to that of Latin founts typeset from the same device. diff --git a/src/pages/p0378.tex b/src/pages/p0378.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3734185 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0378.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 378 — printed page 376 — plate 161 +\plateop{376}{161}{plates/p0378.png}{Sketch of revised vowel sign sent to Ananda Bazar Patrika} diff --git a/src/pages/p0379.tex b/src/pages/p0379.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..dfa0868 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0379.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 379 — printed page 377 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{377}Notwithstanding ethical and copyright issues, it seemed pointless to imitate previous Bengali designs originally conceived for now invalid political, religious, or commercial reasons.\fn{34}{A point expressed by Dreyfus with regard to Latin founts; Dreyfus, `Turning Point in Type Design', p. 15.} Yet these typefaces, discussed in previous chapters, contain noteworthy characteristics which could assist in defining the qualities desirable for new Bengali typeforms. It was necessary to observe manuscript forms and the circumstances surrounding the genesis of earlier founts in order to distinguish between the various characteristics which made up the final letterform image: those characteristics forming an intrinsic part of the design style; those serving purely functional purposes; those resulting from the misinterpretation of the structure of the letterforms; and those due to the \erratum{constraints}{contraints} of the typefounding or typesetting technology. Research into the evolution of Bengali typeforms therefore played an essential part in formulating a design concept for the 202 founts: the opportunity existed to appreciate the legacy of the past and to reinterpret letterforms for the future within the limitations of the new technology. This research,\fn{35}{Undertaken by Fiona Ross.} supplemented by frequent discussions with Dr Mukherjee of the School of Oriental and African Studies and members of Ananda Bazar Patrika Ltd, notably Mr Aveek Sakar and Mr P. K. Mukherji, determined the specifications for the typeface and thereby the typesetting scheme.\fn{36}{Described below.} + +The department of Typographic Development proposed that the design of the new Bengali founts should display the elegance and vitality observable in the indigenous foundry types. It should possess good stroke contrast, in conformity with manuscript letter structures, and remain legible at small point sizes with diff --git a/src/pages/p0380.tex b/src/pages/p0380.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..01338f7 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0380.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 380 — printed page 378 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{378}no diminution of the thin strokes. The proportions and spacing should be very carefully balanced: the widths of the bold face should not be restricted by those of the light fount.\fn{37}{It will be recalled that the hot-metal Bengali founts were duplexed; see above, chapter 8.} The ability to kern characters was deemed essential; another prerequisite was the ability to position vowel signs and other modifiers with greater accuracy than had been achieved for V-I-P Devanagari. Conjuncts, particularly those with \emph{raphalā,} should appear as integral characters, even if this entailed extending the character set: the \emph{phalā} method would not be adopted. The hot-metal drawings formed the starting point, but a foundry fount recommended by Dr Tarapada Mukherjee, possessing many of the design characteristics which Linotype sought to incorporate, formed the yardstick (in terms of style and design quality) and an inspirational guide.\fn{38}{See pl. 162. The Bengali section (prepared in association with G.M. Summers) of Hester Lambert's previously cited work \emph{Introduction to the Devanagari Script} and a foundry heading face in use at Ananda Bazar Patrika (see pl. 163) formed other sources of reference.} Having established the primary desiderata of the typeface design, Linotype-Paul chose to employ a designer with experience of non-Latin typefaces who was capable of producing artwork of the quality Linotype was seeking, and who would be prepared to work interactively with the Typographic department.\fn{39}{Fiona Ross was to provide the artwork brief and design the typesetting scheme.} Accordingly, Tim Holloway, a freelance type designer and former employee of the company, was commissioned to design the artwork. It was also considered invaluable to have an impartial native speaker knowledgeable in Bengali lettershapes to assess the designs: Dr Tarapada Mukherjee agreed to vet the artwork prior to digitization. + +The digitization of Bengali letterforms presented difficulties over and above those encountered for Latin types. The joining nature of the Bengali writing system did not present a problem inasmuch as the connecting headline was simpler to achieve than with metal types due to the \erratum{possibility}{possiblity} of overlapping \erratum{strokes}{stokes} by means of double-exposure. The consequent tight spacing favoured by diff --git a/src/pages/p0381.tex b/src/pages/p0381.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cdfb224 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0381.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 381 — printed page 379 — plate 162 +\plateop{379}{162}{plates/p0381.png}{Foundry typeface shown in \emph{Viśvabhāratī Granthanavibhāga, Pañcāśatvarṣa-Parikramā} (Calcutta, 1974)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0382.tex b/src/pages/p0382.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2a9253d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0382.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 382 — printed page 380 — plate 163 +\plateop{380}{163}{plates/p0382.png}{Bengali foundry typeface no. 2 (reduced)} diff --git a/src/pages/p0383.tex b/src/pages/p0383.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6187f7f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0383.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 383 — printed page 381 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{381}photocomposition\fn{40}{See P. Karrow, \emph{Digitale Speicherung von Schriften,} (Hamburg, 1987), p. 10.} gave rise to the danger of characters clashing (a problem Linotype had previously encountered with Arabic founts), or setting so tightly so as to resemble conjunct characters. The use of the 54-unit system for character spacing resolved many difficulties, and the facility to kern was of tremendous benefit to the Bengali script, but limitations also existed here. + +All characters had to be drawn within the limits of an em-square which, for the purpose of determining character widths, was divisible into 54 sections, or units. In the case of the 202 there were 9 additional units available on the left and right for kerning only, but this amount of kern was insufficient for the Bengali vowel signs \ig{plates/inline/p0383-f01.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0383-f02.png} : the solution was to offset the character \ig{plates/inline/p0383-f03.png} (157) by 9 units in addition to the 9-unit kern. The scanner could only cope with 9 units of kern, and thus the character had to be scanned in its entirety and the width doctored during editing.\fn{41}{See pl. 164. The design size was 12 point.} A \erratum{feasibility}{feasability} test was conducted at the firm of Stempel AG\fn{42}{This renowned German foundry was established in 1895; it has now been absorbed into Linotype AG.} in Frankfurt where the artwork would be digitized. In consequence, the positioning and amount of kern of the vowel signs \ig{plates/inline/p0383-f04.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0383-f05.png} determined the positioning and maximum width of the non-kerning characters, and thereby the dimensions of the typeface. It was important that the amount of kern taken up by these characters, particularly 157, did not eat into the width allocation of the non-kerning characters, nor that the hot-metal constraint of a minimum character width of 5 units\fn{43}{Of eighteenths, i.e. 15 of 54.} be imposed. The intended method for creating conjuncts demanded some very wide letterforms; on the other hand, the vowel signs were extremely narrow. Tim Holloway described the situation : diff --git a/src/pages/p0384.tex b/src/pages/p0384.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..14138ff --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0384.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 384 — printed page 382 — plate 164 +\plateop{382}{164}{plates/p0384.png}{Kerning vowel sign drawing} diff --git a/src/pages/p0385.tex b/src/pages/p0385.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d8da9fd --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0385.tex @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +% PDF page 385 — printed page 383 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{383}\begin{extract} +[\ig{plates/inline/p0385-g01.png}] is the only ch[aracter] that needs so much right hand kern. As it represents one of the vowels, its frequency may justify its position (its effective 18 units kern) and the consequent loss of the first 9 units past zero on all ch[aracter]s. So, Bengali widths will be counted from +9 giving a max[imum] counting width of 54 (at + 63) which will be O.K. for the Light whose widest ch[aracter] falls within 45 units (i.e. left hand s[ide] b[earing] on +54) and allows 9 units for thickening up in the Bold.\fn{44}{Holloway to Byrne, 23 Mar 1980.} +\end{extract} + +Once the positioning of the kerning vowel signs was established, a spacing pattern could be developed, as Tim Holloway explained in a note enclosed with some drawings sent to Linotype for frisket-cutting on 10 February 1981: + +\begin{extract} +You will notice that the light face ch[aracter]s\fn{45}{These were additions to the fount requested by Ananda Bazar Patrika.} are not centred in their widths. Also you will see that the other alphabet ch[aracter]s are not centred. The reason is that the light face was spaced to suit the kerning vowel signs. + +Once the position of the vowel signs was fixed characters 123 \ig{plates/inline/p0385-g02.png} and 116 \ig{plates/inline/p0385-g03.png} were drawn as spacing guides for other alphabet characters. (The spacing is a compromise between what looks well in the middle of \ig{plates/inline/p0385-g04.png} \ldots\ \ig{plates/inline/p0385-g05.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0385-g06.png} \ldots\ \ig{plates/inline/p0385-g07.png} ) + +After the conjuncts, the brackets were spaced with 123 and 116. Then figure 366 \ig{plates/inline/p0385-g08.png} was spaced between brackets and the rest of the figures in the middle of 366 and 366. + +The punctuation was more difficult because of the kerns on the top left and bottom right of certain alphabet characters. The comma (\& semi colon) were checked with 123 \ig{plates/inline/p0385-g09.png} and 159 \ig{plates/inline/p0385-g10.png} and with 133 \ig{plates/inline/p0385-g11.png} . Quotes were checked with 111 \ig{plates/inline/p0385-g12.png} and 640 \ig{plates/inline/p0385-g13.png} . + +I hope you can follow this as I am using the same spacing pattern on the Bold. +\end{extract} + +Another facility played a crucial part in character spacing, namely accent-placement. In order to reduce the number of ligatures required, it was decided to `float' the subscribed and superscribed vowel signs and modifiers into their correct locations in relation to each character and to each typestyle, while taking care to examine problems caused by the varying degrees of thickness in diff --git a/src/pages/p0386.tex b/src/pages/p0386.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c74febe --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0386.tex @@ -0,0 +1,9 @@ +% PDF page 386 — printed page 384 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{384}the vertical strokes\fn{46}{Compare the vertical stems of \ig{plates/inline/p0386-h01.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0386-h02.png} in pl. 165.} and connections with rounded letterforms.\fn{47}{A great deal of time was spent on character fit with accents; the 54-unit system was very constraining for this task.} The method by which the `floating' characters would be positioned was dependent on special programming software; until it was devised, it was not possible to finalize the drawings. + +Yet another difficulty concerned the size of the character set. By means of written and verbal communications with Ananda Bazar Patrika Ltd the range of characters to be typeset had been established. Since Linotype-Paul had decided in the interests of quality, to dispense with half characters for generating conjuncts, a means was required of overcoming the fount size limitations introduced by mechanical composition in order to represent all the required letterforms. The 240-character fount capacity of the 202 was insufficient to meet the requirements of the proposed manner of composition; again, software was required to merge fount units. + +Problems not peculiar to non-Latin typefaces, but due to the new technology also presented themselves. One of these concerned the shaping of strokes. It had been decided to take advantage of the hitherto impossible opportunity to have an unbroken headline that was sheered diagonally as in the formal written hand. Another design feature considered important was the subtle flaring of the principal vertical strokes. This feature was difficult to reproduce in digital founts since the detail would be lost at small sizes, creating a lump in the stem, and exaggerated at large sizes, causing a step-like effect, or the `jaggies'. Chuck Bigelow described this dilemma in \emph{The Seybold Report:} + +\begin{extract} +Another unwanted effect of digitization can be the loss of fine detail. If the raster is too coarse in comparison to the design, many of the subtle and refined details which give a type design its quality will be lost. The thickness of a stroke, a hairline or a serif can no longer diff --git a/src/pages/p0387.tex b/src/pages/p0387.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d886c33 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0387.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 387 — printed page 385 — plate 165 +\plateop{385}{165}{plates/p0387.png}{202 Linotype Bengali Light and Bold: showing finials joined with a subscript} diff --git a/src/pages/p0388.tex b/src/pages/p0388.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..21a8ad8 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0388.tex @@ -0,0 +1,15 @@ +% PDF page 388 — printed page 386 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{386}be as the designer intended, but must be rounded off to some integer number of scan lines. Similarly, subtle curves may have to be rendered in a cruder fashion to fit within the digitizing pattern. + +In general, the ability of a typesetter to render detail accurately is a function of the writing stroke spacing (the more strokes per em the better), and the size and sharpness of the writing spot (the smaller the sharper the better). As you can see, there are some conflicts here: a soft writing spot can hide some of the jagged appearance at the expense of losing fine character detail.\fn{48}{Bigelow, `Technology and the Aesthetics of Type', p. 15.} +\end{extract} + +Hermann Zapf had encountered problems of this nature with the adaptation of his typeface, Optima, for digital composition. He writes: + +\begin{extract} +digitizing my Optima roman presented many difficulties. The well-balanced shape of the stems is contrary to the digital principle, especially in low resolutions.\ldots. The design must be reduced to a heart-breaking compromise. The answer to this problem is that Optima was never designed for digital storage. If I had been asked, I would have done a new design, used another principle and another name, but would have tailored it to the needs and limitations of today's equipment.\fn{49}{Zapf, `Future Tendencies in Type Design', p. 29.} +\end{extract} + +Trials of Optima set at sizes equivalent to Bengali \erratum{newspaper}{newpaper} text indicated that the flared vertical strokes of the proposed Bengali fount were worth retaining,\fn{50}{However, in the case of the Linotype digital Kannada fount (see pls. 166 and 167), it was found necessary to eliminate the slight curve in the crest of the characters, which had been designed to add vitality to the typeface.} but proper control over editing was required.\fn{51}{The editing of the Bengali founts was undertaken at Stempel AG by people skilled in editing, but who had no knowledge of the script.} + +Compromises in design were indeed inevitable due to technological limitations, the reluctance to deviate far from current accepted Bengali newspaper setting, and time constraints. The progress of the project was punctuated by frustrations similar to those experienced in the development of the hot-metal Bengali founts for the Linotype machine. Although the design concept for the 202 founts was conceived in 1978, Ananda Bazar Patrika did not switch over to production of diff --git a/src/pages/p0389.tex b/src/pages/p0389.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d395f9c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0389.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 389 — printed page 387 — plate 166 (the labels are handwritten in the original) +\plateop{387}{166}{plates/p0389.png}{Linotype Kannada character design with curved crest and Versatec output} diff --git a/src/pages/p0390.tex b/src/pages/p0390.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b943359 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0390.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 390 — printed page 388 — plate 167 +\plateop{388}{167}{plates/p0390.png}{202 Linotype Kannada (Kesari) typeset output} diff --git a/src/pages/p0391.tex b/src/pages/p0391.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0dc04a7 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0391.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 391 — printed page 389 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{389}their newspaper on the Linotron 202 until February 1981. The light fount was completed first and it was fortunate for Linotype-Paul that Ananda Bazar Patrika was pleased with the result, since the sum of all the modifications to the original Bengali Light No. 2 designs amounted to quite a new image. + +The most marked difference between the two fount styles is the re-design of the very hooked kerning vowel signs to give a generous kern now permissible in photocomposition. The flourish occurring above the headline of \ig{plates/inline/p0391-i01.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0391-i02.png} , has also been amended, and all flourishes have been made more consistent. As in foundry setting, two forms of \ig{plates/inline/p0391-i03.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0391-i04.png} have been designed for initial or medial use. A special software routine handles the positioning of all the subscripts, even in the case of very deep conjuncts, to create forms which would have comprised ligatures in founder's type. The program also copes with the different locations of the \emph{repha} \ig{plates/inline/p0391-i05.png} , accurately specified according to reference sources, and the \emph{candrabindu} \ig{plates/inline/p0391-i06.png} , which has to be raised over characters possessing a flourish. + +The vowel sign \ig{plates/inline/p0391-i07.png} has been restored to its customary form, i.e. a vertical stroke branching at the headline with a joining segment on the right and an upstroke above the headline - a characteristic that persists throughout the typeface in all the relevant characters, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0391-i08.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0391-i09.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0391-i10.png} , etc. The loop of \ig{plates/inline/p0391-i11.png} has been redesigned so that its tail connects with the upstroke of these particular characters, effectively creating ligatures. All other simple consonants and conjuncts possessing a right-hand vertibar have been re-spaced so that they also appear to form a ligature when conjoined with \ig{plates/inline/p0391-i12.png} . This design feature, which accords with calligraphic practice, has the benefit of relieving the severity of the headline and increasing diff --git a/src/pages/p0392.tex b/src/pages/p0392.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6d89f0e --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0392.tex @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +% PDF page 392 — printed page 390 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{390}the character count.\fn{52}{An important objective for newspaper composition. See pls. 168, 171 and 172.} As discussed above, all principal vertical stems have been flared. + +The 202 possesses a greater number of conjuncts than the original hot-metal founts; additions include \ig{plates/inline/p0392-j01.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0392-j02.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0392-j03.png} , \ig{plates/inline/p0392-j04.png}, and \ig{plates/inline/p0392-j05.png}. In December 1980 Tim Holloway remarked: + +\begin{extract} +the addition of a wider range of conjunct forms to the 202 fount should have been attempted only with a change in scale of the hot-metal artwork in proportion to the em-square. (This, however, was advised against because of the lack of time available.) In that case the more complex forms could have been more open. It was necessary to compromise between the openness of these forms and good positioning of their floating signs within optical limits.\fn{53}{Holloway to Byrne, 10 Dec 1980.} +\end{extract} + +In keeping with the style of the new founts, a number of existing hot-metal sorts have been revised: among these is \ig{plates/inline/p0392-j06.png} , whose loop was found too small; the sort \ig{plates/inline/p0392-j07.png} , which was totally mis-shapen; the over-condensed sorts \ig{plates/inline/p0392-j08.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0392-j09.png} . Similarly, the shape of the phoneme \ig{plates/inline/p0392-j10.png} when represented by \emph{raphalā} in conjunct forms has been lengthened to harmonize with the more generous-looking vowel signs and characters. The forms assumed by \ig{plates/inline/p0392-j11.png} and \ig{plates/inline/p0392-j12.png} in conjuncts also depart from the original Linotype designs. Their new forms accord more with founder's type and `facilitate the development of the Bold version - giving a better distribution of colour ( as in \ig{plates/inline/p0392-j13.png} , for example, and \ig{plates/inline/p0392-j14.png} )'.\fn{54}{Ibid. Compare pls. 169 and 170.} The figures have also been revised with reference to founder's type, making them more open and the closed counters more even. + +In addition, the same space between the medial vowels with consonants has been given to all other characters. The rather indeterminate weight of the hot-metal headline has been thinned and the difference in the depth of the strokes, diff --git a/src/pages/p0393.tex b/src/pages/p0393.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7861dff --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0393.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 393 — printed page 391 — plate 168 +\plateop{391}{168}{plates/p0393.png}{202 Linotype Bengali text sample} diff --git a/src/pages/p0394.tex b/src/pages/p0394.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d84d88a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0394.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 394 — printed page 392 — plate 169 +\plateop{392}{169}{plates/p0394.png}{Linotype hot-metal Bengali letter-drawing} diff --git a/src/pages/p0395.tex b/src/pages/p0395.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e73d21d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0395.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 395 — printed page 393 — plate 170 (the sheet carries its handwritten label) +\plateop{393}{170}{plates/p0395.png}{202 Linotype Bengali letter-drawing} diff --git a/src/pages/p0396.tex b/src/pages/p0396.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..31693b9 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0396.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 396 — printed page 394 — plate 171 (the original prints it sideways) +\plateop{394}{171}{plates/p0396.png}{\emph{Ananda Bazar Patrika} composed with hot-metal Linotype founts\\Compare underlined characters with pl. 172} diff --git a/src/pages/p0397.tex b/src/pages/p0397.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..66181ee --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0397.tex @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +% PDF page 397 — printed page 395 — plate 172 (the original prints it sideways; the +% printed page number sits inside the plate, so it is painted out before cropping) +\plateop{395}{172}{plates/p0397.png}{\emph{Ananda Bazar Patrika} composed with digital Linotype Bengali founts} diff --git a/src/pages/p0398.tex b/src/pages/p0398.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d0bf97c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0398.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 398 — printed page 396 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{396}as found in the imprint \emph{Viśvabhāratī Granthanavibhāga,} has been emulated\fn{55}{\emph{Viśvabharati Granthanavibhāga,} (Calcutta, 1974); see pls. 162 and 173.} with the intention that the characters appear suspended from the headline, rather than situated on the baseline in the customary posture of Latin typeforms. + +As indicated above, special programming was intimately linked to the design of the typeface. Indeed the typeface design, software, and typesetting scheme were inseparable; the latter two determining the nature of the artwork. The font-handling and typesetting software, devised by Dr Mike Fellows at Linotype-Paul specifically for Bengali composition on the 202, was fundamental to the realization of the typesetting scheme.\fn{56}{Devised by Fiona Ross at Linotype-Paul.} The scheme formed the essence of the design concept and can claim to have revolutionized keyboarding procedures for Bengali and all Indian scripts by the introduction of the \emph{phonetic keyboard.} + +Since the advent of mechanical typesetting, the keyboard had become a vital element in typographic composition.\fn{57}{See above, chapters 8, 9 and 10.} Whilst accelerating composing speeds, it has in the case of Indian scripts severely restricted the design of the founts by limiting the character set, introducing \emph{half-forms,}\fn{58}{Generally, the smaller the number of keys, the greater the use of \emph{half-forms.}} and, in some cases, dictating character widths. In other instances, its very nature prohibited the introduction of the script onto a typesetting device, for example Bengali on the Linofilm or the Linoterm.\fn{59}{See above, chapter 10.} In addition to the above restrictions, the keyboards had proved cumbersome to use, as is evidenced by the large Monotype hot-metal Bengali keyboard and more recently, the Devanagari V-I-P keyboard.\fn{60}{See above, chapter 10, and pls. 153 and 154.} Sometimes identical shapes existed on the keyboard, obliging the operator to select the appropriate one for a given situation;\fn{61}{e.g. vowels signs for use at different heights.} the person keying was required to think `graphically', analyzing each lettershape in order to build up the desired image. Moreover, in order to typeset every character on the fount, each sort had to be diff --git a/src/pages/p0399.tex b/src/pages/p0399.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e7c6a7c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0399.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 399 — printed page 397 — plate 173 +\plateop{397}{173}{plates/p0399.png}{Bengali text: \emph{Viśvabhāratī Granthanavibhāga}} diff --git a/src/pages/p0400.tex b/src/pages/p0400.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..80096fa --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0400.tex @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +% PDF page 400 — printed page 398 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{398}located on the keybank: additional characters could only be treated as Pi sorts, set by hand in hot-metal composition and called up by number in photocomposition. In the case of non-Latin founts, there were often as many as four characters situated on one key, requiring a fount change or different levels of shift\fn{62}{Special commands had to be keyed before each fount change. The different shift levels, usually comprised unshift, shift and supershift.} to access the required characters. In V-I-P Devanagari, for example, the \emph{daṇḍa} was located on the shift of fount 2. + +The keyboard device used to operate the V-I-P, called the MVP Editing Terminal, was also employed to drive the Linotron 202. It was possible, however, to alter its method of operation by means of software. Dissatisfied with the V-I-P keying procedures for Devanagari, the department of Typographic Development sought to dispense with the encumbrance of past limitations as a Linotype-Paul in-house document explains: + +\begin{extract} +In the past, conjuncts have been formed, for typesetting purposes, by means of combining half forms - the half forms being engraved on the keytops. This has proved unsatisfactory since it not only necessitates the appearance of additional forms on the keyboard, which are hard to distinguish,\fn{63}{e.g. \emph{raphalās} of different lengths.} but also tends to produce distorted forms of characters. In digital photocomposition, there is no need to employ this method since we are able to store a great number of characters in the font which do not necessarily appear on the keyboard.\fn{64}{Fiona Ross, in-house document, \emph{Indian Scripts for Photocomposition} (July, 1979), [p. 2].} +\end{extract} + +Central to the operation of the \emph{phonetic keyboard} was the \emph{conjunct key.}\fn{65}{Also termed the \emph{conjunct button.}} This key when used with the appropriate simple consonants in the desired sequence caused the requisite conjunct to be selected from the fount disc. The unshift or shift status of the key informed the program whether a two-character or three-character conjunct was required.\fn{66}{Subsequently, supershift status of the \emph{conjunct key} was introduced to access four-character conjuncts.} The nature of the keyboard was quite simple, its logic being based on the Indian phonological writing system: the keyboard contained the basic characters of the syllabary, vowel signs, modifiers, diff --git a/src/pages/p0401.tex b/src/pages/p0401.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fd63f21 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0401.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 401 — printed page 399 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{399}punctuation, numerals, mathematical signs, and typographical symbols. Since there were, relatively speaking, so few characters on the keyboard, the operator was able, barring a few exceptions, to associate one sound with each key. The distribution of the characters was determined according to the frequency counts conducted by Linotype-Paul, which differed considerably from previous counts due to the absence of \emph{half-forms} and conjunct characters on the keybank.\fn{67}{Except for very frequent combinations such as \ig{plates/inline/p0401-k02.png} .} The simple consonants were placed in such a way that certain common sequences which formed conjuncts could be typed with ease; various phonetic groups traditionally classed together were placed together, e.g. labials, sibilants, and so forth. The aspirates were ranged along the top row in relation to the locations of their unaspirated counterparts. + +The mode of operation was straightforward. All the characters of the syllabary were keyed directly, usually in the unshift mode. All superscripts and subscripts, comprising vowel signs and modifiers, including the \emph{repha,} were keyed directly after the character they affected; the software placed them in their correct lateral and vertical positions relative to each character in the fount and to each typestyle.\fn{68}{As distinct from a typeface, which may comprise a whole family of typestyles (i.e. related designs), e.g. light, bold, italic, etc.} Punctuation and numerals were keyed directly. Conjuncts were keyed phonetically by means of the \emph{conjunct key;}\fn{69}{The sequence is illustrated in pl. 174.} the software automatically selected the correct form. Special forms of consonants combined with vowels, e.g. \ig{plates/inline/p0401-k01.png} , were also keyed as conjuncts; where no conjunct existed on the fount, a \emph{halanta} (hasanta) sign was automatically inserted between the two or three consonants.\fn{70}{This is rare in Bengali.} The \emph{phonetic keyboard} therefore enabled the operator to touch-type phonetically without having to recognize and memorize the locations of a great number of \emph{half-forms}. Furthermore, the keyboard imposed diff --git a/src/pages/p0402.tex b/src/pages/p0402.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a747434 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0402.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 402 — printed page 400 — plate 174 +\plateop{400}{174}{plates/p0402.png}{\emph{Phonetic keyboard} keying sequence} diff --git a/src/pages/p0403.tex b/src/pages/p0403.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b589fb9 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0403.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 403 — printed page 401 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{401}few, if any, restrictions on the typeface design. Conjuncts or ligatures could be added to the fount, to keep up with new trends in the transliteration of foreign words or names,\fn{71}{e.g. Thatcher and Schultz.} without revising the keyboard layout. Moreover, if some users required alternative forms of the same conjunct, these could be included in the fount and the appropriate one selected by the fount specification tables (FSTs).\fn{72}{An important requirement for Devanagari.} + +Since the logic of the \emph{phonetic keyboard} was based upon the Indian phonological system, it is curious that such a solution to Indian keyboarding problems had not been conceived of before. The answer perhaps lies in the fact that most keyboards and their layouts were designed by manufacturers of typesetting equipment who possessed only a rudimentary knowledge of the non-Latin script being implemented. Even when native speakers were consulted, the customary approach was to adapt the non-Latin script to the Western-made keyboard despite the consequent impairment to the typography: it was felt that the inferior print quality in Asia and other non-Western countries did not merit concern for the quality of the typeface, nor resources devoted to its production. The reverse attitude would have been more appropriate: typeset output should be of a high standard in order to compensate for low standards of printing. + +The \emph{phonetic keyboard} possessed several characteristics that would warn off many companies from undertaking its production. Firstly, it was unlike any other keyboard manufactured for typesetting Indian scripts; consequently there was no precedent to ensure its acceptability to the user and guarantee its commercial success. Secondly, it was only operable by native speakers due to the potentially unnerving fact that the majority of sorts were not to be found on the keyboard. But this presented no problem to the native speaker, who diff --git a/src/pages/p0404.tex b/src/pages/p0404.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0745986 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0404.tex @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +% PDF page 404 — printed page 402 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{402}would instantly recognize\fn{73}{Since this is how the scripts are taught to native speakers, as is evidenced by many primers published in India.} which simple consonants combined to create particular conjuncts (whose forms often bear scant resemblance to the characters from which they are derived). Thirdly, the manner in which the keyboard functioned in order to compose the script was only intelligible to those who had designed the typesetting scheme. This method of keyboard operation was software intensive:\fn{74}{And therefore was only realizable after the advent of computerised typesetters.} software-generated characters and positioning routines being crucial to the typesetting scheme and the design of the typeface. Thus resources devoted to this aspect of the project were required, and also a belief in its viability. There existed one very obvious advantage: no special hardware was needed. + +It took some time for Ananda Bazar Patrika to appreciate the way in which the keyboard operated, since it contravened customary perceptions of how keyboards should function. A note in Linotype-Paul's development files states: + +\begin{extract} +[they] haven't fully understood our keyboard layout as they still use half-forms, in fact [a] total mixture between our method and V-I-P Devanagari method losing all the advantages. + +[The] Best answer would be to discuss it with them \ldots\ he [P. K. Mukherji] appears to be under the impression that the conjunct button is used only to access those logotypes which exist on hot-metal matrices. The rest are built with half-forms.\fn{75}{Fiona Ross, c. Feb 1979.} +\end{extract} + +Notes taken during a subsequent meeting with P. K. Mukherji on the 19 March 1979 record his acceptance of the keyboard layout `without reticence', once he had been explained its nature. But owing to the conviction that characters with subscribed vowel signs constituted logotypes, as the joins were not perceptible, Ananda Bazar Patrika continued for quite some time to specify additional characters with vowels signs as separate sorts. diff --git a/src/pages/p0405.tex b/src/pages/p0405.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d88b738 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0405.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 405 — printed page 403 — Chapter 11 (cont.) +\origpage{403}Ananda Bazar Patrika also had a requirement to typeset Hindi. Since the Bengali-English keyboard was so uncluttered and the same operators were to be used for setting Hindi, as well as for reasons of economy, Linotype-Paul was requested to design a combined keyboard layout for Bengali, Devanagari, and English. The nature of the \emph{phonetic keyboard} rendered this request realizable. + +The typesetting scheme devised for Bengali formed the blue-print for Linotype-Paul's development of Devanagari, and subsequently all other Indian scripts, for digital photocomposition. Only the syllabary, punctuation, numerals, and mathematical and typographical symbols were required on the keyboard. Since the major differences in character frequency in Bengali and Hindi text occur in the use of conjuncts, it was possible to locate the basic \emph{akṣaras} and vowel signs (with some notable exceptions) on the same keys in both scripts. The FSTs devised by the Typographic department informed the typesetting program of all the idiosyncracies of each script (different `accent' positioning, ligature or conjunct formation, and so forth) without troubling the operator who had only to select the appropriate fount. As the same typesetting program was used for all languages, it was simple to mix the different scripts within the same piece of work. Similarly, the software coped simultaneously with the justification logic for Bengali, Hindi, and English.\fn{76}{Contained in the typesetting program.} Linotype-Paul's intention was to produce `an efficient keyboard which is simple and fast to operate and yet can handle all the complexities of the Indian languages'.\fn{77}{Ross, \emph{Indian Scripts for Photocomposition,} [p. 2.]} + +The introduction of digital photocomposition forms a particularly significant landmark in the history of non-Latin printing types. It revolutionized Indian diff --git a/src/pages/p0406.tex b/src/pages/p0406.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..80d9b65 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0406.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 406 — printed page 404 — Chapter 11 (end) +\origpage{404}language setting by permitting the implementation of the \emph{phonetic keyboard,}\fn{78}{It has been emulated by other manufacturers, but in a half-hearted manner that still employs half-forms to create the majority of the conjuncts.} whose flexibility gave the type designer and fount manufacturer an unprecedented degree of freedom. The impoverishment of Bengali type designs and typography, consequent of the mechanization of typefounding and composition (and not ameliorated by filmsetting), could now be arrested. It became possible by means of technical advances, and through innovation not emulation, to equal and surpass the quality of foundry types\fn{79}{i.e. in terms of design; the quality of the image (e.g. the edge quality) is debatable, as discussed above.} - provided three essential skills were utilized: design expertise, technical proficiency and linguistic knowledge. However, as evidenced by the sympathetic handling of the Linotype 202 Bengali founts\fn{80}{These founts were later converted for other typesetters developed by Linotype, e.g. the CRTronic Series 300, and the Linotronic 300 and 500.} in the daily newspaper \emph{Ananda Bazar Patrika,} the final image of the printed Bengali character continues to rest in the hands of the user. diff --git a/src/pages/p0407.tex b/src/pages/p0407.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7f204df --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0407.tex @@ -0,0 +1,9 @@ +% PDF page 407 — printed page 405 — Conclusion opens +\chapstart{Conclusion} +\origpage{405}The development of the printed Bengali character from movable metal type to digital photocomposition occurred chiefly at the hands of those to whom the Bengali language and script were foreign. Yet the execution of successful Bengali founts was contingent upon the generally unrecorded participation of native Bengali artisans and advisers. The evaluation of Bengali type designs spanning two centuries confirms that a combination of skills is requisite to the production of high-quality non-Latin founts whether in metal, film, or digital form. + +The evaluation of all type designs - Latin as well as non-Latin - is inevitably subjective, but criteria independent of personal taste and current fashion exist by which a typeface design can be assessed. These fall into two intimately-related categories: those applying to its aesthetic form; and those relating to its functional aspect.\fn{1}{It is not within the scope of this thesis to discuss such issues as whether `form' follows `function', or whether a type design is separable from its material form.} + +An understanding of the writing system to be represented and an appreciation of typographic traditions are fundamental to a satisfactory design. Although the styling of the stroke terminations, counter shapes, stroke contrast, and such like are issues of taste, the clarity and constancy of the image\fn{2}{In some cases deliberate `distressing' is intentional.} they produce contribute to the quality of a typeface. Other elements include observance of proportional relationships and evenness of texture (all the lettershapes of the fount should be readily differentiated and yet form a cohesive whole). + +Even if such criteria have been observed in the type designer's original artwork, they may be doctored by the intervening hand of, \emph{inter alia,} the diff --git a/src/pages/p0408.tex b/src/pages/p0408.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4443e50 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0408.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 408 — printed page 406 — Conclusion (cont.) +\origpage{406}punchcutter, frisket cutter, digitiser, compositor, or they may be necessarily altered by the resolution of the typesetter, printing surface, etc.\fn{3}{If the technology is the limiting factor, some designers deliberately compensate for this in their artwork, but the resulting founts are often outdated by subsequent improvements to the technology.} Although the precise intentions of the designer can only be speculated, the final printed image usually affords an indication of how skilfully an original design has been interpreted. + +The functional aspect of a typeface relates to its suitability for its intended purpose, such as readability at small text sizes and good character fit at display sizes. Walter Tracy writes, `it is the proper balancing of the functional and the aesthetic which we look for in the work of the type designer'.\fn{4}{Tracy, \emph{Letters of Credit,} p. 32.} New designs are often occasioned by the demand for founts that fulfil a specific function as, for example, John Lawson's SB2 designed to set the Bengali Bible in one pocket-sized volume and, more recently, Matthew Carter's Bell Centennial typeface designed for the American telephone directory.\fn{5}{See Sebastian Carter, \emph{Twentieth Century Type Designers,} (London, 1987), pp. 9-10. Other categories for which type faces have been specifically designed include corporate identities, school-books, celebrations of events, e.g. Linotype's Centennial' typeface by Frutiger, etc.} However, since the advent of photocomposition type designs are frequently expected to have a more universal application than the earlier founts; one master size is often utilized to generate all point sizes.\fn{6}{See Dreyfus,`Turning Point in Type Design', pp. 20-21.} The type designer or fount manufacturer cannot prevent the user from setting a fount at unsuitable sizes, or from manipulating it electronically in a way that was never intended.\fn{7}{And with the limited range of Indian founts, the temptation to do this is even greater. Some typefaces have been designed to withstand such distortion, e.g. Icone, first issued by Linotype in 1980.} + +A few type designers are noted for not concerning themselves\fn{8}{See Sebastian Carter, \emph{Twentieth Century Type Designers,} p. 137.} with the technical aspects of fount manufacture or printing, but such an approach is untenable for Indian vernacular founts. As has been observed, the composing diff --git a/src/pages/p0409.tex b/src/pages/p0409.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4fbe447 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0409.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 409 — printed page 407 — Conclusion (cont.) +\origpage{407}technique was central to the design of Wilkins's first Bengali fount and of each successive design, for it determined the method of character formation. Thus a typesetting scheme must be designed in tandem with the drafting of the letterforms for the appropriate technology. All the attributes of a fount must be determined before finished drawings or patterns are undertaken:\fn{9}{Conversely, the character design can dictate the composing technique.} these relate to methods of character joining, conjunct formation, subscript and superscript positioning, kerning, justification, etc. In defining these attributes, as in the choice of design style, linguistic knowledge is essential. It is in this area that Charles Wilkins and Vincent Figgins succeeded where Joseph Jackson failed. + +A survey of Bengali printing types over a period of two hundred years shows the printed Bengali character to have evolved considerably: CW1 is not acceptable today; Figgins's VF1 now appears dated and would find no place in magazine publications; the use of hot-metal Linotype Bengali is avoided in quality imprints; and 202 Linotype Bengali, which follows traditional manuscript forms more closely than either CW1 or VF1, possesses a degree of sophistication unimaginable before the late 1970s. + +CW1, as the first cogent attempt to integrate the aesthetic, functional, technical, and linguistic aspects of Bengali type design, inevitably became the model for subsequent founts. As already noted, the temptation to imitate is very strong in the field of type design and fount manufacture.\fn{10}{See the Epilogue.} Plagiarist designs, however, rarely improve on originals; and when typeface designs are converted from one technology to another, the result is frequently unsatisfactory.\fn{11}{Bigelow makes the point that a `designer skilled and knowledgeable enough to perceive and render all the subtle nuances of another major craftsman is really too good to do a slavish copy'; Bigelow, `Technology and the Aesthetics of Type', p. 7.} The imitator may capture the sensibility of the original letterform image, but he can seldom be diff --git a/src/pages/p0410.tex b/src/pages/p0410.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7eb0c5f --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0410.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 410 — printed page 408 — Conclusion (cont.) +\origpage{408}aware of the historical decisions taken by the original designer, which may no longer be appropriate. + +The latest trend in Indian vernacular typography sees an extension of this imitative trend: namely, the desire to produce Latin-style founts. The customary reason given is for the vernacular types to match Latin founts in bi-lingual publications, but such publications have existed (in satisfactory form) for over two centuries.\fn{12}{Moreover, a number of fount manufacturers offer over 1500 Latin founts which must include some suitable for this purpose.} The fashion for designing Latin-style founts appears to be merely indicative of a desire to produce new typefaces with the minimum effort and expense. In the case of Devanagari types, it has produced a plethora of very dull and poorly-executed designs. The best of these are cleverly constructed, but they lack vitality, being stripped of their native characteristics. A Westernized non-Latin fount may indeed be eye-catching and suitable for display purposes, but it is too distracting for continuous reading.\fn{13}{Although the reading public may become habituated to it.} A text face needs to be transparent to the reader\fn{14}{See Beatrice Warde, `The Crystal Goblet or Printing should be Invisible', \emph{The Crystal Goblet; Sixteen Essays on Typography} (London, 1955).} who `can absorb it at high speed and with the minimum resistance'.\fn{15}{Frutiger, \emph{Type Sign Symbol,} p. 39.} The much-needed means to improving the quality of non-Latin typography is not to be found in producing new designs in the guise of Latin typestyles. New typefaces can evolve from the indigenous tradition of inscribed, penned, or printed letterforms. Bengali type history shows type designs of enduring quality to be those formed not only by the marriage of all the necessary skills,\fn{16}{See above, chapter 11.} but also by innovation, not imitation. + +The preceding chapters have shown the impact of technological change upon Bengali type design and typography to be greater than on Latin founts due to diff --git a/src/pages/p0411.tex b/src/pages/p0411.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..71dc21b --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0411.tex @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +% PDF page 411 — printed page 409 — Conclusion (cont.) +\origpage{409}the nature of the Bengali script. Complaints have often been voiced by fount manufacturers regarding the difficulties of non-Latin scripts, and by designers regarding the constraints of type manufacturing and typesetting technologies. But each technology has afforded new opportunities to non-Latin scripts; none more so than digital photocomposition.\fn{17}{Particularly with the decreasing costs in fount manufacture and typesetting equipment; see below, the Epilogue.} However, the history of the development of the first fount of digital Bengali typeforms coupled with a new composing system illustrates not only the potential of digital composition for handling non-Latin scripts; it also demonstrates a new methodology for the typographic development of vernacular typeforms. A methodology that raises the following questions: + +What letterforms are required? How much space/codes/memory is available for character storage? What are the design parameters? How are all the letterforms to be constructed? How will they be accessed? (Is new software required?) What typefaces exist? What is the typographic tradition? What research material is available? What function is the typeface to serve? What equipment will be used for its composition? What design style is appropriate?\fn{18}{Not necessarily in this order: a design may be first thought of, but then the artwork re-fashioned by other factors. This list of questions is not intended to be exhaustive.} How will it be printed? When is it needed? + +Such perennial questions reflect the need to integrate different resources to realize a common end. They are as pertinent to the Arabic script as to Amharic, and as relevant to high-resolution digital photocomposition as to low-resolution dot matrix printers; a failure to answer them reflects in the design. + +If non-Latin types are no longer to be regarded as secondary to those of Latin, nor vernacular founts as peripheral to machine sales,\fn{19}{A problem common to designers of Latin and non-Latin types.} then a new approach to the typographic development of indigenous scripts is vital - an approach that stretches typesetting and typefounding techniques and resources to achieve diff --git a/src/pages/p0412.tex b/src/pages/p0412.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b233c5a --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0412.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 412 — printed page 410 — Conclusion (end); short page +\origpage{410}optimum results. The history of the printed Bengali character confirms that it is the manner in which new techniques are embraced by designers and manufacturers that determines the final printed image. diff --git a/src/pages/p0413.tex b/src/pages/p0413.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e4f168d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0413.tex @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +% PDF page 413 — printed page 411 — Epilogue opens +\chapstart{Epilogue} +\origpage{411}One topic that has been omitted from this thesis is the development of Bengali typewriter characters. Similarly, the subject of letterforms designed specifically for proofing purposes has not been studied. They are relatively unimportant in Bengali typography in comparison to typeforms; it cannot be claimed that typewriter letterforms or low-resolution character shapes have impinged upon the area of Bengali type design,\fn{1}{In the case of the 202 founts, screen shapes were not designed until after the type face had been completed.} although this situation is changing. + +The influence of the typewriter on editing devices for the Latin script has been noted.\fn{2}{Seybold, \emph{Digital Typesetting,} p. 16; see also ibid. pp. 23, 256 and 252.} Unlike the QWERTY and AZERTY layouts, typewriters manufactured for Indian scripts have not possessed standard keyboard layouts. Moreover, the extremely limiting technology of the Indian language keyboards (necessitating the use of \emph{half-forms,} `dead' keys, etc.) and the poor-quality typewriter faces were not worth emulating purely for the sake of standardization. + +Initially the character sets designed for Video Display Terminals (VDTs) were intended as a means of identifying keyed matter, i.e. for proof-reading, editing, and correcting. These alphabets were functional and the demand for aesthetic quality was minimal; the intention was not to emulate typeset \erratum{output}{ouput}. In the case of Indian scripts, the constraints of VDTs were often inhibitory.\fn{3}{In fact, the restriction of the Linoterm prohibited Linotype's implementation of the Bengali script on this device.} The MVP editing terminal used by Ananda Bazar Patrika Ltd had severe limitations: only those characters situated on the keyboard (i.e. not conjuncts or ligatures) could be displayed on the screen; vowel signs were set adjacent to their host characters; and all characters were represented by means of the very constraining eight by twelve dot-matrix. Nonetheless, this editing system was diff --git a/src/pages/p0414.tex b/src/pages/p0414.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..58d63d9 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0414.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 414 — printed page 412 — Epilogue (cont.) +\origpage{412}considered satisfactory\fn{4}{The benefits of the MVP (which are not the subject of this study) outweighed the limitations of the character display which did not compromise the typeset output.} since it enabled the operator to identify keyed text.\fn{5}{A skilled operator rarely looked at the screen when keying in copy for typesetting.} But editors and writers needed intelligible copy for proof-reading; typeset output for this purpose was extremely expensive. Thus devices known as `intelligent printers'\fn{6}{i.e. which could interpret the keystrokes and typesetting commands entered by the operator; see pl. 175.} were employed to reproduce on cheaper proofing paper the letterforms that would appear on the more costly phototypeset output.\fn{7}{The greater cost of such printers was offset by the even greater cost of importing photographic film or paper to India.} + +The introduction of more sophisticated VDTs and personal computers during the last few years has led to the demand for screen founts that accurately represent the phototypeset output. In the development of Bengali proofing founts for photocomposition by Linotype, the improvement of screen/dot-matrix printer forms\fn{8}{The dot-matrix printer was driven in the `graphics mode' i.e. it output exactly what was shown on the screen; see pl. 176.} was necessarily gradual. The first step was to extend the dot-matrix area, both in depth and width, and to improve the position of the floating subscripts and superscripts.\fn{9}{It has not been possible to obtain information from other manufacturers regarding the development of screen founts. See pl. 176, fig. 2.} The next step was to display conjuncts and ligatures, by means of new software, different hardware, and revised character shapes. This was a costly enterprise, and one not considered worthwhile by many manufacturers because these additional facilities were not required for the Latin script. + +The final step was to show line-endings that matched the final copy.\fn{10}{Called by Linotype `counting' programs; see pl. 176, fig. 3.} This task was complicated in the case of non-Latin scripts by the larger character sets, the complex kerning tables, and because character sets could vary according to type style.\fn{11}{Copyfitting has always been more complex than for Latin scripts due to the size of the character sets and the greater differences in character widths.} The result was termed WYSIMOLWYG (what you see is more or less what you get), since the same character designs (but diff --git a/src/pages/p0415.tex b/src/pages/p0415.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e2bd77c --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0415.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 415 — printed page 413 — plate 175 +\plateop{413}{175}{plates/p0415.png}{Line-printer proofing output and 202 typeset output} diff --git a/src/pages/p0416.tex b/src/pages/p0416.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..bf2b718 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0416.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 416 — printed page 414 — plate 176 (four figures) +\plateop{414}{176}{plates/p0416.png}{Fig. 1: Bengali phase 1 dot matrix character shapes; keyboard characters only\\Fig. 2: Bengali phase 2 dot matrix character shapes; with character selection\\Fig. 3: Bengali phase 3 dot matrix print out; with character selection and `counting'.\\Fig. 4: 202 Bengali typeset output of the same text} diff --git a/src/pages/p0417.tex b/src/pages/p0417.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..957262d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0417.tex @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +% PDF page 417 — printed page 415 — Epilogue (cont.) +\origpage{415}perhaps with a different character set) were used to depict each typestyle; a signifier on the screen indicated the fount being accessed. + +The late 1970s saw the advent of laser printers capable of producing on plain paper near-typeset quality which created a new demand, viz. WYSIWYG (What You See [on the screen] is what you get). The resolution of laser printers vary from 300 dots per inch upwards and with the invention by Adobe Systems Inc. of a [computer] page description language called PostScript, documents could be created on personal computers and output either on low-cost laser printers or high quality laser typesetters.\fn{12}{i.e. resolution and device independent. PostScript has become an industry standard.} The same became true for founts. Special applications software using PostScript enabled the personal computer user to design founts that could be output even on a high quality typesetter;\fn{13}{Provided it has a PostScript Raster Image Processor (RIP).} i.e. type design was now also in the hands of the non-professional designer. The result has been a rash of non-Latin founts. + +True to the pattern that persists throughout the history of printing types, this fount-designing facility has not acted as an incentive to invention. The majority of non-Latin PostScript founts appear to be second-rate copies of well-known designs or hybrid founts that have gained acceptance for want of a better alternative. Inexperience in design is revealed by founts created with faults that have been encountered and subsequently resolved in previous type-manufacturing and typesetting technologies. In many instances, the badly-executed designs are further degraded by inadequate composing methods. These limitations are indicative of inadequate research and lack of appreciation of non-Latin type design traditions and typography. Furthermore, some founts which appear fairly adequate on a 300 d.p.i laser printer do not perform well when output as diff --git a/src/pages/p0418.tex b/src/pages/p0418.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7c69e26 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0418.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 418 — printed page 416 — Epilogue (cont.) +\origpage{416}camera-ready copy on a Linotronic 300 at 2450 d.p.i.\fn{14}{The Bengali fount of Dr Clinton Seely (University of Chicago) must rank as the best yet produced for a laser printer; but it was designed for the Xerox 9700, which apart from being costly, has no sizing mechanism and is not device independent; see pls. 177 and 178.} The founts are not improved by the rough treatment they receive at the hands of the non-professional typographer in the world of `desktop publishing'. + +Although the low cost and ease of producing founts has meant an abundance of very poor designs, compromise character sets, and increased plagiarism, there now \erratum{exists}{exits} an opportunity to produce a multiplicity of type designs that can enrich the non-Latin typographic palette. However, as reiterated throughout this thesis, the creation of good quality founts depends on a positive correlation in technical, linguistic and artistic skills. diff --git a/src/pages/p0419.tex b/src/pages/p0419.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..bcd17a4 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0419.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 419 — printed page 417 — plate 177 +\plateop{417}{177}{plates/p0419.png}{Bengali design by Clinton Seely for Xerox 9700 laser printer} diff --git a/src/pages/p0420.tex b/src/pages/p0420.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9530d97 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0420.tex @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +% PDF page 420 — printed page 418 — plate 178 +\plateop{418}{178}{plates/p0420.png}{Dot matrix of a character shape designed by Clinton Seely for the laser printer} diff --git a/src/pages/p0421.tex b/src/pages/p0421.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..058772b --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0421.tex @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +% PDF page 421 — printed page 419 — Bibliography title page (centred about half-way +% down in the original, as the Part titles are) +\matterstart{Bibliography} +\origpage{419} diff --git a/src/pages/p0422.tex b/src/pages/p0422.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5d607bc --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0422.tex @@ -0,0 +1,86 @@ +% PDF page 422 — printed page 420 — Bibliography (unpublished sources) +\origpage{420}\bibhead{Bibliography} +\begin{biblist} +The Bibliography is mainly confined to works that have been cited in the text; it does not include all the imprints examined for the typeface analyses presented in this study. +\end{biblist} + +\bibhead{Unpublished sources:\\Manuscripts and Records} + +\begin{biblist} +\bibgroup{Baptist Missionary Society, London} +Manuscripts + +William Carey's letters to the Society + +William Carey's letters to Sutcliffe + +William Carey's letters to Fuller + +C.B. Lewis's letters to the Society and others + +William Ward's letters to Fuller + +Ward's MSS \emph{Journal} + +Carey, William. MS \emph{Grammar of the Bengalee Language} (1805). + +\bibgroup{British Library: Oriental Collections} +Manuscripts + +N.B. Halhed Collection: + +[Bengali] + +Additional 5581 + +5590 - 5593 + +5595 and 5596 + +5660A and 5660B + +5660E + +5660F + +5661A + +5661B + +Max Muller Collection: + +Oriental 4741 + +\bibgroup{India Office Library and Records, London} +Records + +L/F/10/2 \emph{Records of Service} + +H/207/2 \emph{Home Miscellaneous Series} + +E/4/28 and E/4/38 \emph{Bengal Letters Received,} 26 Aug 1767-6 Apr 1769 and 1 Feb 1779-14 Mar 1780 + +J/1/1/8 and J/1/9 \emph{East India Company Applications for Writership} + +Manuscripts + +Charles Wilkins Collection: + +BEN MS S.2846A - \emph{Caṇḍīmaṅgala} + +BEN MS S.2811A - \emph{Vidyāsundara} + +BEN MS S.2802 - \emph{A Vocabulary of Bengali Words} + +MS EUR 30. A.J. Keily. \emph{A Memoir of Sir Charles Wilkins} + +\bibgroup{School of Oriental and African Studies, London} +Manuscripts + +William Marsden Collection: + +MS57002, Marsden Willliam. \emph{A Catalogue of Dictionaries, Vocabularies and Grammars of All Languages and Dialects} + +\bibgroup{St Bride Printing Library, London} +Cann, Kathleen. \emph{The Gospel in Many Tongues}: [notes and list of editions], Cambridge [1986] +\end{biblist} diff --git a/src/pages/p0423.tex b/src/pages/p0423.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5fbc217 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0423.tex @@ -0,0 +1,74 @@ +% PDF page 423 — printed page 421 — Bibliography (cont.) +\origpage{421}\begin{biblist} +\bibgroup{Linotype Limited, Cheltenham} +Correspondence files: Bengali 17A/17B + +Typographic R \& D files relating to Bengali + +202 Bengali letter-drawings + +\bibgroup{Mergenthaler Linotype, Long Island} +MLCo Correspondence files 918 and 918A + +Bengali hot-metal letter-drawings + +\bibgroup{Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, London} +Records: C Ind I: (5)-18; (6)-37B; (6)-40; (6)-50B + +\emph{Report of the Society for the Year 1829} + +\bibgroup{Unpublished Ph.D Theses} +Khan, Mofakhkhar Hussain. \emph{Printing in Bengali Characters up to 1866.} 2 vols., University of London, 1976 + +Qayyum, Muhammad Abdul. \emph{A Critical Study of the Bengali Grammars of Carey, Halhed and Haughton.} London: SOAS 1974 + +\bibgroup{Privately Circulated Material} +Bigelow, Charles and Holmes, Kris. \emph{Principles of Type Design for the Personal Workstation.} A Keepsake prepared.. for the members at the ATypI Congress in Kiel. September, 1985. + +Mosley, James. \emph{Typefounding Materials; A List of Locations.} London, 1987. + +Ross, Fiona. \emph{Indian Scripts for Photocomposition.} (July, 1979) + +Shaw, Graham. \emph{Printing Interest in the British Library's Halhed Bengali Manuscripts.} (London, n.d.) +\end{biblist} + +\bibhead{Published Sources} + +\begin{biblist} +\bibgroup{1. European Languages} +Arberry, A. J. \emph{The Library of the India Office: a Historical Sketch.} London, 1938. + +Assumpçam, Manoel da, ed. \emph{Vocabulario em Indioma Bengalla e Portuguez.} Lisbon, 1743. + +Austin, Stephen \& Sons. \emph{[Specimens of Oriental and Other Types]} Hertford, [1885]. + +[d'Azon, Fillipo]. \emph{Parentalia in Anniversario Funere Mariae Clementinae Magnae Britanniae \&c. Reginae.} Rome, 1736. + +Baptist Missionary Society. \emph{Periodical Accounts Relative to the Baptist Missionary Society.} Vols 1-6. Clipstone, Kettering, 1792-1819. + +Balfour, Francis. \emph{The Forms of Herkern.} Calcutta, 1781. + +Banerji, R. D. \emph{The Origin of the Bengali Script.} Calcutta, 1919. + +Beames, John. \emph{Grammar of the Bengali Language.} Oxford, 1891. + +[Bengal. Governor and Council] + +\emph{Bengal Translation of Extracts from the Regulations for the Conduct of the Collectors in the Revenue Department.} Calcutta, 1787. + +------. `Extracts from Government Records'. \emph{Bengal Past and Present,} XXIX, (Jan -June 1925). + +------. \emph{Translation of the Regulations for the Administration of Justice in the Courts of the Dewanny Adawlut by Jonathan Duncan.} Calcutta, 1784. + +Bernard, Auguste. \emph{Historie de l'Imprimerie Royale du Louvre.} Paris, 1867. + +Bertoletti, A. \emph{Le Tipographie Orientali e gli Orientalisti a Roma nei Secoli XVI e XVII.} Florence, 1878. + +[Bhagavadgita] + +\emph{The Bhagavat-Geeta.} Trans. by Charles Wilkins, London, 1808. + +Bigelow, Charles A. `Technology and the Aesthetics of Type'. \emph{The Seybold Report,} 10 (August 24 1981) + +Bigelow, Charles and Day, Donald, `Digital Typography'. \emph{Scientific American.} 249, no. 2 (August, 1983), 106 - 119. +\end{biblist} diff --git a/src/pages/p0424.tex b/src/pages/p0424.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9b440ef --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0424.tex @@ -0,0 +1,76 @@ +% PDF page 424 — printed page 422 — Bibliography (cont.) +\origpage{422}\begin{biblist} +Biggs, John R. \emph{An Approach to Type.} London, 1949. + +Bodoni, Giambattista. \emph{Manuale Tipografico} (1740-1813). 2 vols., Parma, 1818. + +Bolts, William. \emph{Considerations on India Affairs; Particularly Respecting the Present State of Bengal and its Dependencies.} London, 1772; + +------. \emph{Part II Containing a Complete Vindication of the Author, from Malicious Groundless Charges of Mr Verelst.} 2 vols., London, 1775. + +Bose, Benoy. \emph{Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar.} Delhi, 1965. + +Buchanan, C., ed. \emph{College of Fort William in Bengal.} London, 1805. + +Buckland, C.E. \emph{Dictionary of Indian Biography.} London, 1906. + +Bunnell, Edward H. \emph{Understanding Digital Type.} New York, 1978. + +Blumhardt, James Fuller. \emph{Catalogue of the Bengali and Assamese Manuscripts in the Library of the India Office.} London, 1924. + +------. \emph{Catalogue of Bengali Printed Books in the Library of the British Museum.} London, 1886. + +------. \emph{Catalogue of the Library of the India Office. Vol II- Pt. IV, Bengali, Oriya and Assamese Books.} London, 1905. + +------. \emph{Catalogue of the Marathi, Gujarati, Bengali, Assamese, Oriya, Pushtu, and Sindhi Manuscripts in the Library of the British Museum.} London, 1905. + +British and Foreign Bible Society. \emph{The Gospel in Many Tongues; Specimens of 875 Languages.} London, 1965. + +------. \emph{Historical Catalogue of Printed Christian Scriptures in the Languages of the Indian Sub-Continent.} Rev. edn, London, 1977. + +British Standards Institution. \emph{Typeface Nomenclature and Classification; BS 2961.} London, 1958 and 1967. + +Busteed, Henry Elmsley. \emph{Echoes from Old Calcutta.} 4th edn, London, 1908. + +Calcutta School Book Society. \emph{Fifth Report.} Calcutta, 1823. + +------. \emph{Second Report of the Calcutta School Book Society.} Calcutta, 1819. + +------. \emph{Report for the Provisional Committee of the Calcutta School Book Society.} Calcutta, 1817. + +Cannon, Garland, ed. \emph{The Letters of Sir William Jones.} 2 vols., Oxford, 1970. + +Carey, Eustace. \emph{Memoir of William Carey, D.D.} London, 1836. + +------. \emph{Supplement to the Vindication of the Calcutta Baptist Missionaries.} London, 1831. + +------, and Yates, William. \emph{Vindication of the Calcutta Baptist Missionaries.} London, 1828. + +Carey, Samuel Pearce. \emph{William Carey D.D., Fellow of the Linnaean Society.} London, 1923. + +Carey, William. \emph{Dialogues, Intended to Facilitate the Acquiring of the Bengalee Language.} Serampore, 1801; 2nd edn, Serampore, 1806. + +------. \emph{A Dictionary of the Bengalee Language.} Serampore, 1818. + +------. \emph{A Dictionary of the Bengalee Language.} Serampore, vol I, 1818, vol II, 1825. + +------. \emph{An Enquiry into the Obligations of Christians, to Use Means for the Conversion of the Heathens in which the Religious State of the Different Nations of the World, the Success of Former Undertakings, and the Practicability of Further Undertakings are Considered.} Leicester, 1792. + +------. \emph{A Grammar of the Bengalee Language.} Serampore, 1801; 2nd edn. Serampore, 1805; 4th edn. Serampore, 1818 + +------. \emph{A Grammar of the Sungskrit Language.} Serampore, 1804. + +Carter, Harry, ed. \emph{Sixteenth Century French Typefounders: The Le Bé Memorandum.} Paris, 1967. + +\emph{The Catholic Encyclopedia.} Vol. 15. New York, 1912. + +Caxton, William. \emph{The Game of the Chesse.} Facsimile rpt. London, 1855. + +Clair, Colin. \emph{A History of European Printing.} London, 1976. + +Clowes, William \& Sons. \emph{Some Specimens of the Roman, Oriental, and Foreign Types.} London, 19[15]. + +Cox, F. A. \emph{History of the Baptist Missionary Society from 1792-1842.} London, 1852. + +Craig, James. \emph{Production for the Graphic Designer.} London, 1974. +\end{biblist} diff --git a/src/pages/p0425.tex b/src/pages/p0425.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..44e585d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0425.tex @@ -0,0 +1,80 @@ +% PDF page 425 — printed page 423 — Bibliography (cont.) +\origpage{423}\begin{biblist} +Danvers, Frederick, \emph{et al. Memorials of Old Haileybury College.} London, 1894. + +De, Sushil Kumar. \emph{History of Bengali Literature in the Nineteenth Century, 1800-1825.} Calcutta, 1919. + +------. \emph{Bengali Literature in the Nineteenth Century 1757-1857.} 2nd rev. edn, Calcutta, 1962. + +De Vinne, Theodore Low. \emph{The Practice of Typography; A Treatise on...Plain Printing Types.} New York, 1900. + +Diehl, Katherine Smith. `Bengali Types and Their Founders', \emph{Journal of Asian Studies,} 27 (1968) 335-338. + +------. `The Cover'. \emph{The Journal of Library History,} 16, no. 1 (Winter, 1981), 4-5. + +------. \emph{Early Indian Imprints.} New York, 1964. + +Dhar, Paritosh. [Address to] \emph{7th Conference of All India Type Founders} (23 January, 1982.) + +Dowding, G. \emph{An Introduction to the History of Printing Types.} London, 1961. + +Dreyfus, John. `A Turning Point in Type Design'. \emph{Visible Language,} XIX, no. 1 (Winter, 1985), 11-22. + +Drost, Henk. `Punch Cutting Demonstration'. \emph{Visible Language,} XIX, no. 1 (Winter, 1985), 98-105. + +Duprat, F.A. \emph{Histoire de l'Imprimerie Impériale de France.} Paris 1861. + +Ellis, N. A. `Indian Typography'. Calcutta National Library. \emph{The Carey Exhibition of Early Printing and Fine Printing.} Calcutta, 1955. + +Falkenstein, Karl. \emph{Geschichte der Buchdruckerkunst.} Leipzig, 1840. + +Figgins, Vincent. \emph{Specimen of a Fount of Telegu Types Cast.} London, 1802. + +------. \emph{Specimen of Printing Types.} London, [1793]. + +------. \emph{Specimen of Printing Types.} London, 1833. + +Figgins, V. \& J. \emph{Epitome of Specimens.} London, 1847. + +------. \emph{Epitome of Specimens.} London, c. 1870. + +------. \emph{New Specimens; Oriental Types.} London, [1884]. + +------. \emph{Specimen of Book and Newspaper Types.} London, 1838. + +Forbes, Duncan, ed. \emph{The Bengali Reader.} London, 1862. + +------. \emph{A Grammar of the Bengālī Language.} London, 1861. + +Forster, Henry Pitts. \emph{A Vocabulary in Two Parts, English and Bungalee, and Vice Versa.} 2 vols., Calcutta 1799-1802. + +Fournier, S.P. \emph{Modèles des Caractères de l'Imprimerie.} Paris, 1742. + +------. P.S. \emph{Manuel Typographique.} Vol. I. Paris, 1764. + +Fritz, Johann Friedrich. \emph{Orientalisch- und Occidentalischer Sprachmeister.} Leipzig, 1748. + +Frutiger, Adrian. \emph{Type Sign Symbol.} Zurich, 1980. + +Gaskell, Philip. \emph{A New Introduction to Bibliography.} Oxford, 1972. + +Gilbert \& Rivington. \emph{Specimens of Foreign Types.} London, 1880. + +------. \emph{Specimens of Some of the Oriental and Foreign Types.} London, 1878. + +------. \emph{Specimens of Some of the Oriental and Other Types.} London, 1873. + +Gilchrist, J.B. \emph{A Dictionary, English and Hindoostanee.} 2 vols., Calcutta, 1787-1790. + +Gouye, Thomas. \emph{Observations Physiques et Mathematiques, pour Servir à l'Histoire Naturelle, et la Perfection de l'Astronomie et de la Géographie.} Paris, 1692. + +Gleig, G.R. \emph{Memoirs of the Life of the Right Hon Warren Hastings.} 3 vols., London, 1841. + +Gottschall, Edward. `The State of the Art in Typeface Design Protection'. \emph{Visible Language,} XIX, no. 1 (Winter, 1985), 149-155. + +Grant, John, ed. `Warren Hastings in Slippers'. \emph{Calcutta Review,} XXVI, no. 51 (1856), 59-141. + +Grierson, G. A. \emph{Linguistic Survey of India.} Vol. V. Eastern Group, pt. I, `Specimens of Bengali and Assamese Languages'. Calcutta, 1903. + +------. `The Early Publications of the Serampore Missionaries: a Contribution to Bibliography'. \emph{Indian Antiquary,} XXXII (June, 1903), 241-254. +\end{biblist} diff --git a/src/pages/p0426.tex b/src/pages/p0426.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e7ff867 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0426.tex @@ -0,0 +1,90 @@ +% PDF page 426 — printed page 424 — Bibliography (cont.) +\origpage{424}\begin{biblist} +Halhed, Nathanial Brassey, [trans.] \emph{A Code of Gentoo Laws, or Ordinations of the Pundits, from a Persian Translation Made from the Original, Written in the Shanscrit Language.} London, 1776. + +------. \emph{A Grammar of the Bengal Language.} Hoogly, 1778. + +------. \emph{A Grammar of the Bengal Language.} Facsimile rpt [with an introduction by Nikhil Sarkar]. Calcutta, 1980 + +------. \emph{Preface to a Grammar of the Bengal Language.} Hoogly, 1778. + +Hallward, N.L.. \emph{William Bolts, A Dutch Adventurer under John Company.} Cambridge, 1920. + +Hansard, T.C. \emph{Typographia.} London, 1825. + +Haughton, Graves Chamney. \emph{Rudiments of Bengali Grammar.} London, 1821. + +------. \emph{Bengali Selections.} London, 1822. + +[\ldots] `Sir Charles Wilkins'. \emph{Asiatic Journal,} New Series, XX (1836) 135-171. + +[Hawkesworth, John of Calcutta]. \emph{East Indian Chronologist.} Calcutta, 1801. + +\emph{[Hitopadeśa]} + +\emph{The Heetopadesha of Veeshnoo-Sarma.} Trans. by Charles Wilkins. Bath, 1787. + +Hoby, James. \emph{Memoir of William Yates; With an Abridgement of His Life of W.H. Pearce.} London, 1847. + +Howells, George and Underwood, A.C. \emph{The Story of Serampore College.} Serampore, 1918. + +Huetter, Luigi. `La Tipografia Vaticana'. \emph{Gutenberg-Jahrbuch} (1962), 273-9. + +Huss, Richard E. \emph{The Printer's Composition Matrix.} Delaware, 1985. + +Imprimerie Nationale. \emph{La Tipographie Orientale a l'Imprimerie Nationale et la Publication de la Collection Orientale.} Paris, 1884. + +Imprimerie Royale. \emph{Le Cabinet des Poincons de l'Imprimerie Royale.} 3rd edn, Paris, 1963. + +------. \emph{Notice sur les Types de l'Imprimerie Royale.} Paris 1847. + +------. \emph{Specimen des Caractères Vignettes, Armes, Trophées et Fleurons de l'Imprimerie Royale.} Paris, 1819. + +Jennet, Sean. \emph{Pioneers in Printing.} London, 1958. + +Johnson, J.R. `On Certain Improvements in the Manufacture of Printing Types'. \emph{Journal of the Society of Arts,} XXI (21 Mar, 1873), 330-8. + +Johnston, E. H. `Sir Charles Wilkins'. Mohammad Shafi ed., \emph{A.C. Woolner Commemoration Volume} (Lahore, 1940), 124-132. + +Jones, William. \emph{A Grammar of the Persian Language.} London, 1771. + +K.K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei. \emph{Beurtheilungen uber die k.k. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei in Wien.} Vienna, 1852. + +------. \emph{Geschichte der K.K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei in Wien.} Vienna, 1851. + +------. \emph{Uebersicht der von der Wiener K.K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei in London ausgestellten Gegenstaende aller Graphischen Kunstzweige.} Vienna, 1851. + +Kapr, Albert. \emph{Johannes Gutenberg; Persönlichkeit und Leistung.} Leipzig, 1986. + +Karrow, Peter. \emph{Digitale Speicherung von Schriften.} Hamburg, 1987. + +Kehr, M. Georgio Jacobo. \emph{Aurenk Szeb.} Leipzig, 1725. + +Kesavan, B.S. \emph{History of Printing and Publishing in India.} New Delhi, 1985. + +Khan, M. Siddiq. `William Carey and the Serampore Books. 1800-1834'. \emph{Libri,} 11, no. 3 (1961), 197-280. + +Kirkpatrick, W. \emph{A Vocabulary, Persian, Arabic, and English.} Calcutta, 1799. + +Kyles, David. \emph{Story of William Carey.} London, n.d. + +Laird, M. A. \emph{Missionaries and Education in Bengal 1793-1837.} Oxford, 1972. + +Lambert, H.M. \emph{Introduction to the Devanagari Script.} London, 1953. + +The Lanston Monotype Machine Co. \emph{The Monotype System.} 2nd edn, Philadelphia, 1916. + +Lee, Sidney, ed. \emph{Dictionary of National Biography.} Vol. LXI. London, 1900. + +Legros, L.A. and Grant, J.C. \emph{Typographical Printing-Surfaces.} London, 1916. + +Lewis, C.B. \emph{The Life of John Thomas.} London, 1873. + +Linotype and Machinery. \emph{A Dictionary of Printing Terms.} London, 1962 + +Linotype-Paul Ltd. \emph{Linotron 202 Operation Manual.} Cheltenham, 1980. + +------. \emph{Linotron 202N Operation Manual.} (September, 1983). + +------. \emph{V-I-P Operation Manual.} (January, 1978). +\end{biblist} diff --git a/src/pages/p0427.tex b/src/pages/p0427.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a790470 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0427.tex @@ -0,0 +1,70 @@ +% PDF page 427 — printed page 425 — Bibliography (cont.) +\origpage{425}\begin{biblist} +Lloyd, Mary. `Sir Charles Wilkins 1749-1836'. \emph{India Office Library and Records Report 1978.} (1979), 9-39. + +London Exhibition. \emph{Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations 1851; Official Descriptive and Illustrated Catalogue.} Vol. III. London, 1851. + +[Lord's Prayer] + +\emph{Oratio Dominica in CL Linguis Versa, Et Propriis Cujusque Linguae Characteribus Plerumque Expressa.} Ed. by J.J. Marcel. Imprimerie Impériale: Paris, 1805. + +\emph{Oratio Dominica in CLV Linguas Versa et Exoticis Characteribus Plerumque Expressa.} Giambattista Bodoni: Parma, 1806. + +\emph{Oratio Dominica in Diversas Omnium Fere Gentium Linguas Versa.} John Chamberlayne: Amsterdam, 1715. + +\emph{Our Lord's Prayer in One Hundred Different Languages.} W.M. Watts: London, c. 1869. + +\emph{The Lord's Prayer in Five Hundred Languages.} Gilbert \& Rivington: London, 1905. + +\emph{The Lord's Prayer in Three Hundred Languages.} Gilbert \& Rivington: London, 1891. + +\emph{Das Vaterunser in mehr als 200 Sprachen und Mundarten mit Originaltypen} in \emph{Sprachenhalle,} pt II. 2nd edn, K.K. Hof- und Staats-Druckerei: Vienna, 1847. + +Long, James. \emph{A Descriptive Catalogue of Bengali Works.} Calcutta, 1855. + +Marshman, John Clark. \emph{The Life and Times of Carey, Marshman and Ward.} 2 vols., London, 1859. + +McLean, Ruari. \emph{The Thames and Hudson Manual of Typography.} London, 1980. + +Mergenthaler Linotype Company. \emph{Linotype's Machine Principles.} 1940. + +Mill, David. \emph{Dissertationes Selectae, Varia S. Litterarum et Antiquitatis Orientalis Capita Exponentes et Illustrantes.} Leiden, 1743. + +Miller, J. \emph{The Tutor, or a New English and Bengali Work, Well Adapted to Teach the Natives English.} Calcutta, 1797. + +The Monotype Corporation Ltd. \emph{The `Monotype' How it Works.} London, c. 1922-1931. + +------. \emph{The Monotype Book of Information.} 1970. + +------. \emph{Specimen Book of `Monotype' Non-Latin Faces.} London, n.d. + +Moran, James. \emph{Stephen Austin of Hertford. Two Hundred Years of Print.} Hertford, 1968 + +------. \emph{Filmsetting - Bibliographical Implications.} London, 1960. + +------. \emph{The Composition of Reading Matter.} London, 1965. + +Mores, Edward Rowe. \emph{Dissertation upon English Typographical Founders and Founderies.} [London] 1778. + +Morison, Stanley. \emph{First Principles of Typography.} 2nd edn, Cambridge, 1967. + +------. \emph{Typographic Design in Relation to Photographic Composition.} San Francisco, 1959. + +Mortet, Charles. `France'. Trans. by Andre Pauliau. \emph{Printing A Short History of the Art.} Ed. by R.A. Peddie. London, 1927. + +Mosley, James. \emph{An Introduction to Pierre Simon Fournier's Modèles des Caractères de l'Imprimerie.} London, 1965. + +------. `The Typefoundry of Vincent Figgins 1792-1836.' \emph{Motif,} 1 (November, 1958). + +Moxon, Joseph. \emph{Mechanick Exercises on the Whole Art of Printing. (1683-4).} Ed. by Herbert Davis and Harry Carter. London, 1958. + +Mustapha, Haji, trans. \emph{Seir Mutaquarin.} 2 vols., Calcutta, 1789-1790. + +Naik, Bapurao S. \emph{Typography of Devanagari.} Bombay, 1965. + +Nichols, John. \emph{Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century.} Vols. II-VI. London, 1812. + +Osborne, Geoffrey. `An Unusual Type Specimen Book from India'. \emph{Matrix,} 2 (Winter, 1982), 101-2. + +Ouseley, W., ed. \emph{Oriental Collections.} 2 vols., London, 1797-8. +\end{biblist} diff --git a/src/pages/p0428.tex b/src/pages/p0428.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..297a4d6 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0428.tex @@ -0,0 +1,66 @@ +% PDF page 428 — printed page 426 — Bibliography (cont.) +\origpage{426}\begin{biblist} +Oxford University Press. \emph{List of Ancient and Modern Greek and Oriental Founts at the University Press, Oxford.} Oxford, 1959. + +------. \emph{Monotype Keyboard and Caster Equipment Oxford.} Printed by Vivian Ridler (February, 1969). + +Pandey, R. J. \emph{Indian Palaeography.} Benares, 1952. + +Pathak, S. M. \emph{American Missionaries and Hinduism.} Delhi, 1967. + +Potts, E. Daniel. \emph{British Baptist Missionaries in India, 1793-1837: The History of Serampore and its Missions.} Cambridge, 1967. + +Priolkar, Anant Kakba. \emph{The Printing Press in India.} Bombay, 1958. + +Rau, M. Chalapathi. \emph{The Press.} New Delhi, 1782. + +Randle, John. `The Development of the Monotype Machine'. \emph{Matrix} 4 (Winter, 1984), 42-51. + +Richardson, John. \emph{A Dictionary, Persian, Arabic, and English; With a Dissertation on the Languages, Literature and Manners of Eastern Nations. A New Edition, with Numerous Additions and Improvements by Charles Wilkins.} London, 1806-1810. + +Richter, Julius. \emph{A History of Missions in India.} Trans. by Sydney H. Moore. Edinburgh, [1908]. + +Reed, Talbot Baines. \emph{A History of the Old English Letter Foundries with Notes, Historical and Biographical on the Rise and Progress of English Typography.} London, 1887; new edn revised and enlarged by A.F. Johnson. London, 1952. + +Roberts, S.C. \emph{A History of the Cambridge University Press 1521-1921.} Cambridge, 1921. + +Rocher, Rosane. \emph{Orientalism, Poetry and the Millenium: the Checkered Life of Nathaniel Brassey Halhed 1751-1830.} New Delhi, 1983. + +------. `Nathaniel Brassey Halhed's Collection of Oriental Manuscripts'. \emph{Annals of Oriental Research (University of Madras),} 25 (1975). + +Royal Society of Arts. \emph{Report of the Committee of the Society \&c. Relative to the Mode of Preventing the Forgery of Banknotes.} London, 1819. + +Ross, Fiona and Shaw, Graham. \emph{A Specimen of Bengali and Modi Types.} Andoversford, 1987. + +Ryder, John. \emph{Printing for Pleasure.} London, 1976. + +Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide. \emph{Specimen Characterum Typographei.} Rome, 1843. + +Savage, William. \emph{A Dictionary of the Art of Printing.} London, 1841. + +Schemmel, J. `The Technological Aspects of Hindi Script Reform'. \emph{Indian Print and Paper.} (1954). + +Sen, Asok. \emph{Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar and His Elusive Milestones.} Calcutta, 1977. + +Sen, Dinesh Chandra. \emph{History of Bengali Language and Literature.} Calcutta, 1911. + +Sena, Rama Kamala. \emph{A Dictionary in English and Bengalee.} 2 vols., Serampore, 1834. + +Serampore Mission. \emph{First Report for the Encouragement of Native Schools in India.} Serampore, 1818: rpt London, 1818. + +------. \emph{Memoirs Relative to the Translation of the Sacred Scriptures.} Nos. 1-9. Dunstable, Serampore, Kettering, and London. 1808-22. + +------. \emph{Periodical Accounts of the Serampore Mission,} new series, 1820-9. + +------. \emph{Second Report of the Institution for the Support and Encouragement of Native Schools.} Serampore, 1818. + +------. \emph{Tenth Memoir Respecting the Translations of the Sacred Scriptures into Oriental Languages.} Edinburgh, 1834. + +Seybold, John W. \emph{Fundamentals of Modern Photocomposition.} Pennsylvania, 1979. + +------. \emph{The World of Digital Typesetting.} Pennsylvania, 1984. + +Seybold, Jonathan. `Digitized Type: What is it?...'. \emph{The Seybold Report,} 8, no. 24 (Aug 24, 1979). + +------. `The Linotron 202; Better than Anybody Anticipated'. \emph{The Seybold Report,} 7, no. 21 (July 17, 1978). +\end{biblist} diff --git a/src/pages/p0429.tex b/src/pages/p0429.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..781f221 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0429.tex @@ -0,0 +1,71 @@ +% PDF page 429 — printed page 427 — Bibliography (cont.); Bengali-language section begins +\origpage{427}\begin{biblist} +Shaw, Graham. \emph{Printing in Calcutta to 1800.} London, 1981. + +Shepherd, E.G. \emph{Typography for Students.} London, 1958. + +Smith, George. \emph{The Life of William Carey.} London, 1885. + +[Smith, Charles Manby]. \emph{The Working Man's Way in the World.} London, 1857. + +Smith, S. Nowell. `Charles Manby Smith: Family and Friends, His Fantasies and Fabrications'. \emph{Journal of the Printing Historical Society,} 7 (1962), 1-28. + +D. Stempel AG. `Design Sizes'. \emph{Stempel Information; Photocomp Type Faces.} January, 1980. + +Steinberg, S.H. \emph{Five Hundred Years of Printing.} New edn London, 1959; and 3rd edn rpt, Middlesex, 1979. + +Stephen, Leslie, ed. \emph{Dictionary of National Biography.} Vol. LXI, London, 1900. + +Stephen, Leslie and Lee, Sidney, eds. \emph{Dictionary of National Biography.} Vol. XXIV, London, 1890. + +Tarr, John C. \emph{Printing To-day.} Oxford, 1949. + +Thomas, David. \emph{Type for Print.} London, 1936. + +Tracy, Walter. \emph{Letters of Credit.} London, 1986. + +------. `The Point'. \emph{Penrose Annual,} 55 (1961) 63-70. + +Updike, Daniel Berkeley. \emph{Printing Types: Their History, Forms, and Use.} 2 vols., 2nd edn, London, 1937. + +Verelst, Harry. \emph{A View of the Rise, Progress, and Present State of the English Government in Bengal: Including a Reply to the Misrepresentations of Mr Bolts and Other Writers.} London, 1772. + +Vervliet, Hendrik D.L., ed. \emph{The Type Specimen of the Vatican Press 1628.} Facsimile rpt, Amsterdam, 1967 + +------. \emph{Cyrillic and Oriental Typography in Rome at the End of the Sixteenth Century.} Berkeley, 1981. + +Vijayapaliah, K. Sree. \emph{Introduction of Kannada on the Typewriter, Linotype and Monotype.} Bangalore, 1954 + +Wainwright, M.D. and Matthews, Noel, [compilers]. \emph{A Guide to Western Manuscripts and Documents in the British Isles Relating to South and South East Asia.} London, 1965. + +Ward, William. \emph{Farewell Letters to a Few Friends in Britain and America, on Returning to Bengal in 1821.} 3rd edn, London, 1822. + +Warde, Beatrice. \emph{The Crystal Goblet; Sixteen Essays on Typography.} London, 1955. + +------. `Type Design in the New Cold-Type Age'. Supplement to \emph{Print in Britain} (September, 1963), 9-10. + +Watts, Richard. \emph{Reply of R. Watts to the Report of Dr Milner and Mr Wood, Relative to the University Press Affairs.} Cambridge, 1809 + +------. \emph{Supplement to R. Watts' Reply.} + +Watts, W.M. \emph{Oriental and Other Types, in Sixty-seven Languages or Dialects....} London, [1851]. + +------. \emph{Specimens of Oriental and Other Types.} London, [1862]. + +Wilkins, Charles. \emph{A Grammar of the Sanskrita Language.} London, 1808. + +Williams, Leighton and Williams, Mornay. \emph{The Serampore Letters...1800-1816.} New York; London, 1892. + +Whetton, Harry, ed. \emph{Practical Printing and Binding.} Rev. edn, London, 1954. + +Wolpe, Berthold, ed. \emph{Vincent Figgins Type Specimens 1801 and 1815.} Facsimile rpt, London, 1967. + +Zapf, Hermann. \emph{`Future Tendencies in Type Design'. Visible Language,} XIX, no. 1 (Winter, 1985), 23-33. + +\bibgroup{2. Bengali Language:} +[The press has been named where pertinent.] + +Bandyopādhyāya, Cittarañjana, ed. \emph{Dui Śatakera Bāṃlā Mudraṇa o Prakāśana.} Calcutta, 1981. + +Caṭṭopādhyāya, Tariṇīcaraṇa. \emph{Bhāratavarṣera Itihāsa} Pt. 2, 3rd ed., Girīśa Vidyāratna Press: Calcutta, 1866. +\end{biblist} diff --git a/src/pages/p0430.tex b/src/pages/p0430.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9c0781d --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0430.tex @@ -0,0 +1,72 @@ +% PDF page 430 — printed page 428 — Bibliography (cont.) +\origpage{428}\begin{biblist} +Caudhurī, Bhuvanamohana Rāya. \emph{Chandaḥkusuma.} Girīśa Vidyāratna Press: Calcutta, 1863. + +Caudhuri, Rājakṛṣṇa Rāya. \emph{Naradeha Nirṇaya.} Calcutta, 1859. + +Dās, Sajanī Kānta. \emph{Bāṅglā Gadya Sāhityera Itihāsa.} Calcutta, 1962. + +\emph{Dharma Pustaka.} [Bible in Bengali] + +------. Vol. 1 containing the Pentateuch and Historical Books. Serampore, 1829. + +------. 2 vols. in 1, Serampore, 1832. + +------. \emph{Ādibhāga.} [Old Testament in Bengali.] Vol. 1, Baptist Mission Press: Calcutta, 1842. + +------. \emph{Dāudera Gītā (The Psalms of David).} Serampore, 1803. + +------. ------. Baptist Mission Press: Calcutta, 1826; and Baptist Mission Press: Calcutta, 1840. + +------. \emph{Gītā Saṃhitā...The Book of Psalms.} Bishop's College Press: Calcutta, 1858. + +------. \emph{(Old and New Testaments.)} 4th edn, Baptist Mission Press: Calcutta, 1867; and 11th edn, Baptist Mission Press: Calcutta, 1909. + +\emph{Dharma Pustaka, Maṅgala Samācāra (New Testament in Bengali).} Serampore, 1801 [1803]; 4th edn, Serampore, 1813 [1816]; and Serampore, 1832. + +\emph{Dharma Pustaka, Antabhāga (New Testament).} Baptist Mission Press: Calcutta, 1837; and edns published by the Baptist Mission Press at Calcutta in 1841; 1847; 1854; 1855; 1865; and entitled \emph{Nūtana Niyama.} Calcutta, 1936. + +------. \emph{Luka Likhita Susamācāra (Gospel by Luke).} Baptist Mission Press: Calcutta, 1831. + +------. \emph{Matthaya Likhita Susamācāra (St Matthew's Gospel).} Bishop's College Press: Calcutta, 1869. + +------. \emph{Satika Susamācāra Catuṣṭaya (Four Gospels).} Baptist Mission Press: Calcutta, 1872. + +\emph{Hitopadeśa.} Trans. by Mṛtuñjaya Vidyālaṅkāra from the Sanskrit work of Viṣṇu Sarmā. Serampore, 1808. + +------. Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta, 1868. + +\emph{Iṅgrāji o Bāṅgali Vokebilāri, An extensive Vocabulary, Bengalese and English.} Chronicle Press: Calcutta, 1793. + +\emph{Mahābhārata.} Trans. by Kāśīrāma Dāsa from the original Sanskrit, Serampore, 1801 [1802]. + +Morton, William. \emph{Dvibhāṣārthakābhidhāna or a Dictionary of the Bengalee Language with Bengali Synonyms and an English Interpretation.} Bishop's College Press: Calcutta, 1828. + +Mukhopādhyāya, Rājīvalocana. \emph{Mahārāja Kṛṣṇacandra Rāyasya Caritraṃ.} Serampore, 1805. + +Munṣī, Caṇḍīcarana. \emph{Totā Itihāsa} [Translated from Hindustani version of Haidar Bhakṣā]. Serampore, 1805. + +Pearson, John David. \emph{Vākyavalī. Idiomatical Exercises, English and Bengalee...,} Calcuttta, 1825. + +Śarmā, Śyāmacaraṇa. \emph{Bāṅgalā Vyākaraṇa.} 3rd edn, Calcutta, 1860. + +Tarkalaṅkāra, Madanamohana. \emph{Śiśuśikṣā.} Calcutta, 1849. + +------. \emph{Śiśuśikṣā.} Sanskrit Press: Calcutta, 1864. + +Vālmikī, \emph{Rāmāyaṇa.} Trans. by Kṛttivāsa. Serampore, 1802 [1803], 5 vols; 2nd edn, Serampore, 1830, 1 vol. + +Vāsaka, Nīlamaṇi, \emph{Navanārī.} 3rd edn, Girīśa Vidyāratna Press: Calcutta, 1858; 4th edn, Girīśa Vidyāratna Press: Calcutta, 1864; 1899 + +Vasu, Rāma Rāma, \emph{Lipimālā.} Serampore, 1802. + +------. \emph{Rājā Pratāpāditya Caritra.} Serampore, 1801. + +Vidyālaṅkāra, Mṛtyuñjaya, \emph{Rājāvalī.} Serampore, 1808. + +Vidyāsāgara, Iśvaracandra, \emph{Varṇaparicaya.} Calcutta, 1855. + +------. \emph{Vidhavā Vivāha Pracalita Haoyā Ucita Kina.} 2nd edn, Girīśa Vidyāratna Press: Calcutta 1857. + +\emph{Viśvabhāratī Granthanavibhāga, Pañcāśatvarṣa-Parikramā.} Calcutta, 1974. +\end{biblist} diff --git a/src/pages/p0431.tex b/src/pages/p0431.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..498fdcd --- /dev/null +++ b/src/pages/p0431.tex @@ -0,0 +1,67 @@ +% PDF page 431 — printed page 429 — Bibliography (end); the last page of the thesis. +% A University of London library stamp sits below the text; it is not reproduced. +\origpage{429}\begin{biblist} +\bibgroup{3. Other Languages} +\emph{Hitopadeśa. The Sanskrit Text.} Ed. by Francis Johnson. Stephen Austin: London, 1857. + +Kālidāsa, Rtusamhāra. \emph{The Seasons: a Descriptive Poem, by Cālidās, in the Original Sanscrit.} Ed. by Sir William Jones, Calcutta, 1792. [In Bengali characters.] + +Forbes, Duncan, ed.. \emph{The Baitāl Paichīsī.} Stephen Austin: London, 1857. + +\bibgroup{4. Miscellaneous Newspapers and Journals:} +\emph{Amṛta Bazar Patrika. 28 Sept 1935.} + +\emph{Ānanda Bājāra Patrikā (Ananda Bazar Patrika);} various issues. + +\emph{Asiatick Researches.} 1-4, Calcutta, 1788-95. + +\emph{The Baptist Magazine.} I-IX, London, 1809-17. + +\emph{The British Printer.} 20, 118 (Aug-Sept, 1920) + +\emph{Calcutta Chronicle.} 12 Apr 1787. + +------. 26 Apr 1787. + +------. 24 Apr 1788. + +------. 27 Nov 1788. + +------. 1 Jan 1789. + +------. 16 Apr 1793. + +\emph{Digdarśana}; various issues. + +The Gentleman's Journal. 1 (March, 1870). + +\emph{Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,} VII. (Jan-Dec, 1838). + +\emph{Journal of Typographical Research,} (July, 1967). + +\emph{Linotype Matrix,} II, no. 1 (Spring, 1948). + +------. II, no. 3 (Spring, 1949). + +------. no. 33 (May, 1960). + +------. no. 4 (Winter, 1949/19). + +\emph{The London, Provincial \& Colonial News.} V, no. 52 (1870). + +\emph{The Monotype Recorder.} 39, no. 1. (Autumn, 1949). + +------. 39, no. 2 (Autumn, 1950). + +------. 42, no. 2 (Spring, 1961). + +------. 43, no. 2 (Summer, 1965). + +\emph{The New York Times.} 28 Sept 1935. + +\emph{The Statesman. Calcutta,} 27 Sept 1935. + +\emph{The Times. London,} 11 Oct 1851. + +\emph{The World. Calcutta,} 7 July 1792. +\end{biblist} diff --git a/src/preamble.tex b/src/preamble.tex new file mode 100644 index 0000000..825e352 --- /dev/null +++ b/src/preamble.tex @@ -0,0 +1,279 @@ +% ross-thesis re-typeset — shared preamble (v2: reflowed edition) +\documentclass[12pt,letterpaper,oneside]{article} +% 5.2in measure: at 12pt that is roughly 70 characters a line, the readable +% range. The wider right margin carries the original-page marks. +\usepackage[letterpaper,top=0.95in,bottom=1in,left=1.05in,right=1.5in, + marginparwidth=0.8in,marginparsep=0.16in,headheight=15pt,headsep=0.3in,footskip=0.5in]{geometry} +\usepackage{fontspec} +% TeX Gyre ScholaX (Century Schoolbook): a bookish, wide, large-x-height face — +% markedly more readable than the Times-alikes at this measure, and still in the +% classic serif idiom of the original typescript. It lives in the TeX tree, which +% fontconfig does not index, so it is loaded by path. +\setmainfont{TeXGyreScholaX}[ + Path=/usr/share/texlive/texmf-dist/fonts/opentype/public/scholax/, + Extension=.otf, UprightFont=*-Regular, ItalicFont=*-Italic, + BoldFont=*-Bold, BoldItalicFont=*-BoldItalic] +\setsansfont{Liberation Sans} +\newfontfamily\bnfont{TiroBangla-Regular.ttf}[Path=fonts/,ItalicFont=TiroBangla-Italic.ttf,Script=Bengali,Scale=MatchLowercase] +\newfontfamily\bnsignfont{TiroBangla-Regular.ttf}[Path=fonts/,Script=Bengali,Scale=MatchLowercase,Renderer=OpenType] +% isolated combining signs: set by glyph index ({\bnsignfont\XeTeXglyph N}) to avoid the shaper's dotted circle +\usepackage[Bengali,Latin]{ucharclasses} +\setTransitionsFor{Bengali}{\begingroup\bnfont}{\endgroup} % any Bengali text → Tiro Bangla +\usepackage{setspace,scrextend,graphicx,xcolor,microtype,marginnote,fancyhdr,titlesec,ragged2e} +\usepackage[bookmarks,bookmarksnumbered=false,hidelinks,pdfusetitle]{hyperref} +\usepackage{enotez}\setenotez{backref=true,totoc=false} +\hypersetup{pdftitle={The Evolution of the Printed Bengali Character from 1778 to 1978}, + pdfauthor={Fiona Georgina Elisabeth Ross}, + pdfsubject={Ph.D. thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1988 — re-typeset searchable edition, 2026}, + pdfkeywords={Bengali, Bangla, typography, type design, printing history, Linotype, Monotype, photocomposition}} + +% ---- typographic settings ------------------------------------------------- +% Ragged right: the original is a typescript, and unjustified setting keeps the +% word spacing even — with hyphenation still on, so the rag stays shallow. +\RaggedRight +\frenchspacing +\hyphenpenalty=10000 \lefthyphenmin=62 \righthyphenmin=62 +\exhyphenpenalty=50 % an already-typed hyphen may still end a line, as in the original +\tolerance=4000 \emergencystretch=3em +% Hanging punctuation. Dashes are wide, so they hang far less than the small +% marks; quotes and full stops carry the effect. +\microtypesetup{protrusion=true,expansion=false,factor=1100} +\SetProtrusion{encoding=*,family=*}{\textemdash={50,50},\textendash={80,80}} +% No widows, no orphans, and a ragged bottom so pages are never stretched to +% force them out. +\widowpenalty=10000 \clubpenalty=10000 \displaywidowpenalty=10000 +\brokenpenalty=10000 \raggedbottom +\setlength{\parskip}{0.15em plus 0.1em} + +% ---- original pagination as margin marks -------------------------------- +% \origpage{N}: the ORIGINAL printed page N begins here. Sets a hyper-target +% (page.N), a bold sans number in the outer margin, a thin bar in the text, +% and a mark used by the running head to show the original page range. +\NewMarkClass{origpg} +\NewMarkClass{chap} +\newcommand{\pgmarknote}[1]{\marginnote{\sffamily\bfseries\small #1}} +\newcommand{\origpage}[1]{% + \InsertMark{origpg}{#1}\hypertarget{page.#1}{}% + \ifvmode\pgmarknote{#1}\else + \pgmarknote{#1}{\color{black!45}\rule[-0.3ex]{0.5pt}{1.8ex}}\hspace{0.15em}\fi\ignorespaces} +% \plateop{N}{no}{img}{caption}: a plate that begins original page N — the +% page mark stays with the plate wherever it is placed. +% NB \marginnote cannot place a note inside a minipage — it falls back to +% setting it inline, which overflows the measure when the plate fills the full +% width. So the page mark goes outside the minipage. +\newcommand{\plateop}[4]{\par\medskip\noindent\InsertMark{origpg}{#1}% + \hypertarget{page.#1}{}\pgmarknote{#1}% + \begin{minipage}{\textwidth}\centering + \includegraphics[width=\textwidth,height=0.74\textheight,keepaspectratio]{#3}\par\smallskip + {\footnotesize\setstretch{1.05}\raggedright #2. #4\par}\end{minipage}\par\medskip} +% \notesection: the endnotes set a step smaller and tighter than the text — +% there are hundreds of them and they are consulted, not read through. +\newcommand{\notesection}{\clearpage\pagestyle{notes}% + \pdfbookmark[0]{Notes}{sec:notes}% + \begingroup\small\setstretch{1.06}\setlength{\parskip}{0.35em}% + \printendnotes\endgroup} +\fancypagestyle{notes}{\fancyhf{}\renewcommand{\headrulewidth}{0pt} + \fancyhead[L]{\small Ross, \emph{The Evolution of the Printed Bengali Character} (1988)} + \fancyhead[R]{\small Notes}\fancyfoot[C]{\small\thepage}} +\newcommand{\origrange}{\IfMarksEqualTF{origpg}{top}{last}% + {orig.\ p.~\TopMark{origpg}}{orig.\ pp.~\TopMark{origpg}--\LastMark{origpg}}} +\pagestyle{fancy}\fancyhf{} +\renewcommand{\headrulewidth}{0pt} +\fancyhead[L]{\footnotesize\itshape\LastMark{chap}} +\fancyhead[R]{\footnotesize\origrange} +\fancyfoot[C]{\small\thepage} +\fancypagestyle{plain}{\fancyhf{}\renewcommand{\headrulewidth}{0pt}\fancyfoot[C]{\small\thepage}} + +% ---- notes: \fn{n}{text} → endnote pinned to the ORIGINAL footnote number n +\newcommand{\fn}[2]{\setcounter{endnote}{\numexpr#1-1\relax}\endnote{#2}} +\setenotez{list-name={Notes}, split=section, split-title={Notes to <ref>}, + split-heading={\endgraf\addvspace{1.3em}% + {\raggedright\large\bfseries #1\endgraf}\addvspace{0.5em}}, + reset=false, mark-cs={\textsuperscript}} + +% ---- structure: chapters are \section (feeds bookmarks + note grouping) ---- +\titleformat{\section}{\centering\large\bfseries}{}{0pt}{} +\titlespacing*{\section}{0pt}{0pt}{1.2em} +% \chapstart{Title}: new page, centred bold head, PDF bookmark; \thesection +% becomes the title so enotez groups notes as "Notes to <Title>". +% \chapstart[Abstract]{...}: the optional argument is the short form used for the +% PDF outline and the running head, for a head the original sets on two lines +% (the Abstract repeats the thesis title above its own). +\makeatletter +\newcommand{\chapstart}[2][]{\clearpage\refstepcounter{section}% + \def\@tempa{#1}% + \ifx\@tempa\@empty + \gdef\thesection{#2}\InsertMark{chap}{#2}% + \section*{#2}\addcontentsline{toc}{part}{#2}% + \else + \gdef\thesection{#1}\InsertMark{chap}{#1}% + \section*{#2}\addcontentsline{toc}{part}{#1}% + \fi} +\makeatother +\newcommand{\chaphead}[2][]{\chapstart[#1]{#2}} +% \chapnum{Chapter 1}{Charles Wilkins}: chapter head as the original sets it, +% the chapter number over the title, both centred bold. Notes group under +% "Chapter 1: Charles Wilkins", matching the Contents. +\newcommand{\chapnum}[2]{\clearpage\stepcounter{navchap}\navfreezechap + \refstepcounter{section}\gdef\thesection{\navlab\ #2}% + \InsertMark{chap}{\thesection}% + \section*{#1\\[0.3em]#2}% + \ifnavinsec\addcontentsline{toc}{subsection}{\navlab\ #2}% + \else\addcontentsline{toc}{section}{\navlab\ #2}\fi} +\newcommand{\subhead}[1]{\noindent\emph{#1}\par} +% \subchap{3.i. The Serampore Mission Press.}: the original's section line under +% a chapter head — centred bold, a third line below \chapnum's two. +\newcommand{\subchap}[1]{\InsertMark{chap}{#1}\vspace{-0.4em}{\centering\large\bfseries #1\par}\medskip} +% extract: a displayed quotation, as the original sets them — indented from +% both margins, set solid, without quotation marks. An environment, not a +% macro, so a quotation broken by an original page break can open in one page +% file and close in the next (\origpage then sits inside it, as it should). +\newenvironment{extract} + {\par\medskip\begin{addmargin}[0.5in]{0.3in}\setstretch{1.06}\setlength{\parindent}{0pt}} + {\par\end{addmargin}\medskip} +% ---- navigation numbering ------------------------------------------------- +% The page carries the original's own labels ("Part I", "Chapter 6"); the PDF +% outline and the running head carry a positional one — I, I.A, I.A.1 — so a +% reader can tell depth at a glance and the outline nests. The author's chapter +% numbers are kept, so I.B.6 is her Chapter 6, in Section B of Part I. +\newcounter{navpart}\newcounter{navsec}\newcounter{navchap} +\newif\ifnavinsec +\newcommand{\navpartlabel}{}\newcommand{\navseclabel}{}\newcommand{\navlab}{} +\makeatletter +\newcommand{\navfreezepart}{\edef\navpartlabel{\@Roman\c@navpart}} +\newcommand{\navfreezesec}{\edef\navseclabel{\navpartlabel.\@Alph\c@navsec}} +\newcommand{\navfreezechap}{\ifnavinsec + \edef\navlab{\navseclabel.\@arabic\c@navchap}\else + \edef\navlab{\navpartlabel.\@arabic\c@navchap}\fi} +\makeatother +% \partstart{Part I}{Title}: the original's part- and section-title pages — the +% label and title centred in bold about two fifths down an otherwise blank page. +\newcommand{\partstart}[2]{\clearpage\stepcounter{navpart}\setcounter{navsec}{0}% + \navinsecfalse\navfreezepart\refstepcounter{section}% + \gdef\thesection{\navpartlabel\ #2}\InsertMark{chap}{\thesection}% + \vspace*{0.34\textheight}\section*{#1}\vspace{-0.7em}% + {\centering\large\bfseries #2\par}\medskip% + \addcontentsline{toc}{part}{\navpartlabel\ #2}} +% \sectionstart{Section A}{Title}: the original sets its section-title pages +% flush left — label at the head of the page, title about a third down. +\newcommand{\sectionstart}[2]{\clearpage\stepcounter{navsec}\navinsectrue\navfreezesec + \refstepcounter{section}\gdef\thesection{\navseclabel\ #2}% + \InsertMark{chap}{\thesection}% + \noindent{\large\bfseries #1}\par\vspace{0.30\textheight}% + \noindent{\large\bfseries #2}\par\medskip% + \addcontentsline{toc}{section}{\navseclabel\ #2}} +% \matterstart{Title}: an unnumbered top-level division (the Bibliography), +% set like a part title but outside the numbering. +\newcommand{\matterstart}[1]{\clearpage\refstepcounter{section}\gdef\thesection{#1}% + \InsertMark{chap}{\thesection}% + \vspace*{0.34\textheight}\section*{#1}\medskip% + \addcontentsline{toc}{part}{#1}} + + +% ---- Bibliography ------------------------------------------------------- +% The original sets its Bibliography solid: a bold group heading, then one +% entry per paragraph with the continuation lines indented. \begin{biblist} +% sets that block; \bibgroup{...} is a heading inside it. +\newenvironment{biblist} + {\par\begingroup\setlength{\parskip}{0pt}\setlength{\parindent}{1.6em}% + \everypar{\hangindent=1.6em\hangafter=1\relax}} + {\par\endgroup\medskip} +\newcommand{\bibgroup}[1]{\par\medskip{\everypar{}\noindent\textbf{#1}\par}} +\newcommand{\bibhead}[1]{\par\medskip{\everypar{}\centering\bfseries #1\par}\medskip} + +% ---- uncertain readings: rendered normally, logged for confirmation ------- +\newwrite\unsurefile +\newcommand{\unsure}[1]{#1\write\unsurefile{orig.p.\LastMark{origpg}: #1}} + +% ---- suspected slips inside quoted matter -------------------------------- +% \qslip{as printed}: a doubtful spelling inside a quotation. It is NEVER +% corrected — the slip may belong to the source rather than to Ross — but it is +% logged to qslips.log and listed in QUESTIONS.md so it can be checked against +% the original source. +\newwrite\qslipfile +\newcommand{\qslip}[1]{#1\write\qslipfile{orig.p.\LastMark{origpg}: #1}} + +% ---- errata: the original's own slips, corrected in this edition ---------- +% \erratum{corrected}{as printed}: sets the corrected reading in the text and +% logs the pair to errata.log. Every use must have a matching \erratumline in +% src/errata.tex (enforced by tools/check.py), which \printerrata sets out. +\newwrite\erratafile +\newcommand{\erratum}[2]{#1\write\erratafile{#2 -> #1}} +\newcommand{\erratumline}[3]{\noindent\makebox[0.6in][l]{p.~\pg{#1}}% + \parbox[t]{\dimexpr\textwidth-0.6in\relax}{\raggedright + reads `#2'; corrected here to `#3'}\par\smallskip} +\fancypagestyle{errata}{\fancyhf{}\renewcommand{\headrulewidth}{0pt} + \fancyhead[L]{\small Ross, \emph{The Evolution of the Printed Bengali Character} (1988)} + \fancyhead[R]{\small Errata}\fancyfoot[C]{\small\thepage}} +\newcommand{\printerrata}{\clearpage\pagestyle{errata}\section*{Errata}% + \pdfbookmark[0]{Errata}{sec:errata}% + {\small Slips in the original typescript that have been corrected in this + edition. The page number is the original's and links to the passage; the + reading as typed is given first. Corrections the author made by hand in the + scanned copy are adopted silently and are not listed here.\par}\medskip + \input{src/errata.tex}} + +% ---- plates ----------------------------------------------------------------- +% \plate{no}{img}{caption}: image at native 300 dpi (never downsampled), kept +% with its re-set caption; fills the text width up to 3/4 of the page height. +% \fig{img}: an unnumbered illustration the original sets in the run of the text +% (chapter 7's comparison of penned and cut letterforms). No plate number, no +% caption — the sentence before it carries the reference. Native size unless the +% cut is wider than the measure, in which case it shrinks to fit. +\newsavebox{\figbox} +\newcommand{\fig}[1]{\par\medskip\sbox{\figbox}{\includegraphics[scale=\igscale]{#1}}% + \begin{center}\ifdim\wd\figbox>\textwidth + \resizebox{\textwidth}{!}{\usebox{\figbox}}\else\usebox{\figbox}\fi + \end{center}\par\medskip} +\newcommand{\plate}[3]{\par\medskip\noindent\begin{minipage}{\textwidth}\centering + \includegraphics[width=\textwidth,height=0.74\textheight,keepaspectratio]{#2}\par\smallskip + {\footnotesize\setstretch{1.05}\raggedright #1. #3\par}\end{minipage}\par\medskip} +% \ig{img}: an inline type specimen cut from the 300 dpi scan by +% tools/crop_inline.py, set at its natural size (1 px = 1/300 in) so that +% specimens keep their relative sizes — a vowel sign must not come out as tall +% as a letter. Used where the original pastes typeforms into its own text. +% Native size: 1 px of the 300 dpi cut = 1/300 in. The specimens are NOT scaled +% up with the text — at 12/11 they took 90% of the line against the original's +% 74%, and it was the specimens that were too big, not the leading too small. +\newcommand{\igscale}{0.2409} % 72.27/300 — specimens at the size the original pastes them +\newcommand{\ig}[1]{\raisebox{-0.3ex}{\includegraphics[scale=\igscale]{#1}}} + +% ---- contents / list-of-plates lines -------------------------------------- +\newcommand{\pg}[1]{\hyperlink{page.#1}{#1}} +% Contents lines: the whole entry is a link to the chapter's opening page, +% not just the page number. +\newcommand{\tocl}[4]{\noindent\hspace*{#1}\hyperlink{page.#4}{\makebox[0.55in][l]{#2}% + \parbox[t]{\dimexpr\textwidth-#1-0.55in-0.5in\relax}{\RaggedRight #3}}\hfill\makebox[0.5in][r]{\pg{#4}}\par} +\newcommand{\toclnp}[3]{\noindent\hspace*{#1}\makebox[0.9in][l]{#2}\parbox[t]{\dimexpr\textwidth-#1-0.9in-0.5in\relax}{\RaggedRight #3}\par} +\newcommand{\pl}[3]{\noindent\makebox[0.35in][r]{#1.}\hspace{0.12in}% + \hyperlink{page.#3}{\parbox[t]{\dimexpr\textwidth-0.35in-0.12in-0.5in\relax}{\RaggedRight #2}}% + \hfill\makebox[0.5in][r]{\pg{#3}}\par} +\newcommand{\plx}[3]{\noindent\makebox[0.35in][r]{#1.}\hspace{0.12in}\parbox[t]{\dimexpr\textwidth-0.35in-0.12in-0.9in\relax}{\raggedright #2}\hfill\makebox[0.9in][r]{#3}\par} + +% Leading is set by the inline type specimens, not by the text: they are cut +% from the scan at fixed physical size, and a line box shorter than a specimen +% is pushed apart wherever one falls, giving exactly the uneven spacing the +% original avoids by setting wide throughout. +% +% Measured off the scan at 300 dpi (autocorrelation of the row-ink profile, so +% sub-line bands cannot halve the period): the original is leaded 94-95 px = +% 22.9 pt, uniformly, on plain text pages and specimen pages alike. Its +% specimens run to 16.9 pt at the 90th percentile - 74% of the line - and only +% 0.7% of them crowd it. 1.59 at 12pt reproduces that 22.9 pt line, and \igscale +% below reproduces the 74%. (Sammay, 2026-09-14: measured, not guessed - an +% earlier 1.42 with the specimens bumped 12/11 left 1.2 pt of white above a p90 +% specimen and pushed 7% of lines, which reads as a collision.) +\setstretch{1.59} +% First line indented, paragraph skip small: the original separates paragraphs +% by a blank line and never indents, but it is justified, so its blank line has +% a full flush line above it to sit against. Reflowed and ragged right, that cue +% is much weaker, and the indent carries it instead. (Sammay, 2026-09-14.) +% NB ragged2e's \RaggedRight sets \parindent from \RaggedRightParindent, so both +% must be set or every later \RaggedRight silently zeroes the indent again. +\setlength{\RaggedRightParindent}{1.6em} +\setlength{\parindent}{1.6em} +% transliterated words carry no hyphenation patterns; let TeX stretch a line +% rather than overrun the measure by a few points. +\setlength{\emergencystretch}{1em} +\raggedbottom +\setcounter{secnumdepth}{0} diff --git a/tools/__pycache__/polish.cpython-312.pyc b/tools/__pycache__/polish.cpython-312.pyc new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5cf7448 Binary files /dev/null and b/tools/__pycache__/polish.cpython-312.pyc differ diff --git a/tools/check.py b/tools/check.py new file mode 100755 index 0000000..2a6914e --- /dev/null +++ b/tools/check.py @@ -0,0 +1,54 @@ +#!/usr/bin/env python3 +r"""Ratchet checks for the re-typeset project. Exit 1 on any hard failure. + - every manifest row marked done points at an existing page file (or is dropped/colophon) + - every src/pages file is a manifest row marked done + - page file carries \origpage{P}/\plateop{P} with P == manifest.printed + - a head macro (\chaphead/\chapstart/\chapnum/\partstart/\sectionstart) precedes \origpage + - printed page numbers increase in PDF order; note numbers \fn{n} run 1,2,3… per chapter + - lists \unsure{} readings so they can be mirrored in QUESTIONS.md + - every \erratum{corrected}{as printed} has a matching \erratumline in src/errata.tex +""" +import csv, re, glob, os, sys +fail=[]; warn=[] +rows=list(csv.DictReader(open("manifest.tsv"),delimiter="\t")) +files=set(glob.glob("src/pages/p*.tex")) +seen=set(); last_printed=0; fn_expect=1; unsure=[]; errata_used=[] +for r in sorted(rows,key=lambda r:int(r["pdf_page"])): + p=int(r["pdf_page"]); st=r["status"]; kind=r["kind"]; f=r["src_file"] + if st!="done": continue + if kind in ("dropped","colophon"): continue + if not f or not os.path.exists(f): fail.append(f"PDF {p}: done but src_file missing ({f!r})"); continue + seen.add(f); s=open(f).read() + m=re.search(r"\\(?:origpage|plateop)\{(\d+)\}",s) + if not m: fail.append(f"{f}: no \\origpage/\\plateop") + else: + pr=int(m.group(1)) + if r["printed"] and pr!=int(r["printed"]): fail.append(f"{f}: \\origpage{{{pr}}} but manifest printed={r['printed']}") + if pr<=last_printed: fail.append(f"{f}: printed {pr} not after previous {last_printed}") + last_printed=pr + heads = ("\\chaphead", "\\chapstart", "\\partstart", "\\sectionstart", "\\chapnum") + if any(h in s for h in heads): + if s.find("\\origpage")!=-1 and s.find("\\origpage")<max(s.find(h) for h in heads): + fail.append(f"{f}: \\origpage appears before \\chaphead/\\chapstart (would leave an empty page)") + fn_expect=1 + for n in re.findall(r"\\fn\{(\d+)\}",s): + if int(n)!=fn_expect: fail.append(f"{f}: \\fn{{{n}}} but expected {fn_expect}") + fn_expect=int(n)+1 + unsure+= [f"{f}: {u}" for u in re.findall(r"\\unsure\{([^}]*)\}",s)] + # \erratum args must be plain text (no nested braces): put \emph outside it + errata_used += [(r["printed"], corr, orig, f) + for corr, orig in re.findall(r"\\erratum\{([^}]*)\}\{([^}]*)\}", s)] +errata_src = open("src/errata.tex").read() if os.path.exists("src/errata.tex") else "" +listed = set(re.findall(r"\\erratumline\{(\d+)\}\{([^}]*)\}\{([^}]*)\}", errata_src)) +for pg, corr, orig, f in errata_used: + if (pg, orig, corr) not in listed: + fail.append(f"{f}: \\erratum{{{corr}}}{{{orig}}} has no \\erratumline{{{pg}}}{{{orig}}}{{{corr}}} in src/errata.tex") +for pg, orig, corr in sorted(listed): + if not any(pg==u[0] and orig==u[2] and corr==u[1] for u in errata_used): + fail.append(f"src/errata.tex: \\erratumline{{{pg}}}{{{orig}}}{{{corr}}} has no \\erratum in a page file") +for f in sorted(files-seen): fail.append(f"{f} exists but manifest row is not done/linked") +done=sum(1 for r in rows if r["status"]=="done"); print(f"progress: {done}/{len(rows)} PDF pages done") +if unsure: print("unsure readings (mirror in QUESTIONS.md):"); [print(" ",u) for u in unsure] +for w in warn: print("WARN",w) +for e in fail: print("FAIL",e) +sys.exit(1 if fail else 0) diff --git a/tools/crop_inline.py b/tools/crop_inline.py new file mode 100755 index 0000000..b8ee447 --- /dev/null +++ b/tools/crop_inline.py @@ -0,0 +1,76 @@ +#!/usr/bin/env python3 +"""Cut inline type-specimen glyphs out of a page at native resolution. + + crop_inline.py PAGE NAME=SPEC [NAME=SPEC ...] +SPEC is an ink-run index from work/boxes<PAGE>.json, optionally with a side: + 13 the whole run + 60:right split the run at its widest internal gap, keep the right part + 14:trimright drop only the rightmost element (a trailing comma, say) + 6:mid drop the first and last elements, keeping the middle + 5:last keep what follows the final gap (when the widest gap is elsewhere) + 5+59 start 59 px into the run (last resort: no gap is detectable) + 4~610 keep only the leftmost 610 px of the run + 0-11 the span from run 0 to run 11 (for a whole specimen line) +Writes plates/inline/p<PAGE>-<NAME>.png (1-bit when the source is bitonal).""" +import subprocess, io, json, sys +import numpy as np +from PIL import Image + +page = int(sys.argv[1]) +boxes = json.load(open(f"work/boxes{page}.json")) +png = subprocess.run(["pdftoppm","-png","-r","300","-f",str(page),"-l",str(page), + "source/10731406.pdf"], capture_output=True).stdout +im = Image.open(io.BytesIO(png)).convert("L") +arr = np.array(im) < 128 + +def split(box, side): + x0, y0, x1, y1 = box + col = arr[y0:y1, x0:x1].mean(0) > 0.004 + gaps, i = [], 0 + while i < len(col): + if not col[i]: + j = i + while j < len(col) and not col[j]: j += 1 + gaps.append((j-i, i, j)); i = j + else: i += 1 + gaps = [g for g in gaps if g[1] > 0 and g[2] < len(col)] + if not gaps: return box + if side in ("left", "right"): + _, gi, gj = max(gaps) + return (x0, y0, x0+gi, y1) if side == "left" else (x0+gj, y0, x1, y1) + if side == "last": # keep only what follows the FINAL gap + return (x0+gaps[-1][2], y0, x1, y1) + if side == "first": # keep only what precedes the FIRST gap + return (x0, y0, x0+gaps[0][1], y1) + if side == "mid": # drop the first and last elements (`, G ,') + return (x0+gaps[0][2], y0, x0+gaps[-1][1], y1) + if side == "trimright": # drop the last element only + _, gi, gj = gaps[-1] + return (x0, y0, x0+gi, y1) + _, gi, gj = gaps[0] # trimleft: drop the first element only + return (x0+gj, y0, x1, y1) + +for spec in sys.argv[2:]: + name, s = spec.split("=") + side = None + if ":" in s: s, side = s.split(":") + off = 0; keep = None + if "~" in s: # 4~610 — keep only the leftmost 610 px of run 4 + s, k = s.split("~") + keep = int(k) + if "+" in s: # 5+59 — start 59 px into run 5, when the space + s, o = s.split("+") # between a word and the glyph is too noisy to + off = int(o) # register as a gap + if "-" in s: + a, b = (int(v) for v in s.split("-")) + box = (min(boxes[i][1] for i in range(a,b+1)), min(boxes[i][2] for i in range(a,b+1)), + max(boxes[i][3] for i in range(a,b+1)), max(boxes[i][4] for i in range(a,b+1))) + else: + box = tuple(boxes[int(s)][1:]) + if side: box = split(box, side) + if off: box = (box[0]+off, box[1], box[2], box[3]) + if keep: box = (box[0], box[1], box[0]+keep, box[3]) + c = im.crop(box) + if len(np.unique(np.array(c))) <= 2: c = c.point(lambda v: 255 if v > 128 else 0).convert("1") + out = f"plates/inline/p{page:04d}-{name}.png" + c.save(out, optimize=True); print(out, c.size) diff --git a/tools/crop_plate.py b/tools/crop_plate.py new file mode 100755 index 0000000..bd81224 --- /dev/null +++ b/tools/crop_plate.py @@ -0,0 +1,225 @@ +#!/usr/bin/env python3 +"""Extract a plate image from the original scan, dropping the printed page +number (top) and the typeset caption (bottom), which are re-set in LaTeX. + +usage: crop_plate.py PDF_PAGE [--top FRAC --bottom FRAC] [--keep-caption] +Writes plates/pNNNN.png (1-bit PNG when the source is bitonal). +Heuristic defaults: ignore the outer 4% (scanner edge), the top 7.5% +(page number) and the bottom 9% (caption). Override per page via manifest. +""" +import sys, argparse, subprocess, io, math +from PIL import Image, ImageOps +import numpy as np + +import os +SRC = os.environ.get("ROSS_SRC", "source/10731406.pdf") +ap = argparse.ArgumentParser() +ap.add_argument("page", type=int) +ap.add_argument("--top", type=float, default=0.075) +ap.add_argument("--bottom", type=float, default=0.09) +ap.add_argument("--edge", type=float, default=0.04) +ap.add_argument("--dpi", type=int, default=300) +ap.add_argument("--box", default=None, + help="explicit crop as LEFT,TOP,RIGHT,BOTTOM fractions of the raw page; skips the scanner-bar and page-number heuristics. Use for dark plates (a photographed manuscript), where \"dark = scanner bar\" does not hold") +ap.add_argument("--trim", default=None, + help="post-rotation trim as TOP,RIGHT,BOTTOM,LEFT fractions, e.g. 0,0,0.06,0") +ap.add_argument("--rotate", type=int, default=0, choices=[0,90,180,270], + help="rotate the crop counter-clockwise (lossless); plates the original prints sideways") +ap.add_argument("--raw", action="store_true", + help="with --box: take the box exactly — no shadow sweep, deskew, bar sweep or autocrop. Use for a framed plate, whose own border rules the edge heuristics mistake for scanner bars") +ap.add_argument("--rule", type=float, default=0.012, + help="dark runs thinner than this fraction are plate rules, not scanner bars") +a = ap.parse_args() + +png = subprocess.run(["pdftoppm", "-png", "-r", str(a.dpi), "-f", str(a.page), + "-l", str(a.page), SRC], capture_output=True).stdout +im = Image.open(io.BytesIO(png)).convert("L") +W, H = im.size +# strip scanner black bars: any column/row that is >40% dark is an edge; +# keep only the widest run of "paper" columns/rows. +dark = np.array(im) < 100 +def paper_run(profile, rule=None): + ok = profile < 0.40 + # A thin dark run is a ruled line belonging to the plate (engraved column + # rules, table borders), not a scanner bar: close it so it cannot split the + # paper run. Scanner bars are an order of magnitude thicker. + rule = int((rule if rule is not None else a.rule) * len(ok)) + i = 0 + while i < len(ok): + if not ok[i]: + j = i + while j < len(ok) and not ok[j]: j += 1 + interior = i > 0.05*len(ok) and j < 0.95*len(ok) + if j - i <= rule and interior: ok[i:j] = True + i = j + else: i += 1 + best=(0,0); i=0 + while i < len(ok): + if ok[i]: + j=i + while j < len(ok) and ok[j]: j+=1 + if j-i > best[1]-best[0]: best=(i,j) + i=j + else: i+=1 + return best +if a.box: + l, t, r, b = (float(x) for x in a.box.split(",")) + im = im.crop((int(W*l), int(H*t), int(W*r), int(H*b))) +else: + c0,c1 = paper_run(dark.mean(0)); r0,r1 = paper_run(dark.mean(1)) + im = im.crop((c0,r0,c1,r1)); W,H = im.size + box = (int(W*a.edge), int(H*a.top), int(W*(1-a.edge)), int(H*(1-a.bottom))) + im = im.crop(box) +# A thin, very dark run just inside an edge is a scanner bar the paper-run +# heuristic kept (it is thinner than --rule, so it was read as a plate rule). +# Sweep it off before autocropping. +def strip_edge_bars(im, frac=0.06, maxthick=30): + for _ in range(2): + a = np.array(im) < 100 + W, H = im.size + l, r, t, b = 0, W, 0, H + cols = a.mean(0); rows = a.mean(1) + for i in range(int(W*frac)): + if cols[i] > 0.5: l = i + 1 + for i in range(W - 1, W - int(W*frac) - 1, -1): + if cols[i] > 0.5: r = i + for i in range(int(H*frac)): + if rows[i] > 0.5: t = i + 1 + for i in range(H - 1, H - int(H*frac) - 1, -1): + if rows[i] > 0.5: b = i + if (l, r, t, b) == (0, W, 0, H): break + if l > maxthick + int(W*frac) or W - r > maxthick + int(W*frac): break + im = im.crop((l, t, r, b)) + return im +# ---- deskew ----------------------------------------------------------- +# Scans are a degree or two out of square: the page edge and any ruled lines +# lean. Estimate the angle by rotating a downsampled copy through a small range +# and taking the angle whose row/column ink profiles are sharpest (a straight +# page concentrates ink into rows and columns, maximising their variance). +# NB rotation resamples — the only step in this tool that does. It is applied +# only when the page is measurably out of square. +def skew_angle(im, limit=2.0, step=0.05): + # measure on the interior: edge bands and the page frame would otherwise + # dominate the profile variance and pin the estimate at zero + W, H = im.size + g = im.crop((int(W*0.08), int(H*0.06), int(W*0.92), int(H*0.94))) + g = g.resize((max(g.width//4, 1), max(g.height//4, 1)), Image.BILINEAR) + best, best_score = 0.0, -1.0 + n = int(limit/step) + for i in range(-n, n+1): + deg = round(i*step, 2) + a = np.array(g.rotate(deg, resample=Image.BILINEAR, fillcolor=255)) < 128 + score = float(a.mean(1).var() + a.mean(0).var()) + if score > best_score: best, best_score = deg, score + return best + +def rule_angle(im): + """Angle from long near-vertical or near-horizontal rules, when the plate + has any: compare where a rule sits near one end against the other. More + sensitive than the profile method for engravings, which have few text + lines but strong ruled columns.""" + a = np.array(im) < 128 + H, W = a.shape + def drift(arr, long_axis): + n = arr.shape[long_axis] + lo = arr.take(range(int(n*0.10), int(n*0.35)), axis=long_axis) + hi = arr.take(range(int(n*0.65), int(n*0.90)), axis=long_axis) + pl, ph = lo.mean(long_axis), hi.mean(long_axis) + # A rule is several pixels wide, so group contiguous strong lines and + # compare their CENTRES — matching column to column would pair edge with + # edge and under-measure the drift. + def centres(prof): + idx = [i for i in range(len(prof)) if prof[i] > 0.55] + if not idx: return [] + out, cur = [], [idx[0]] + for i in idx[1:]: + if i - cur[-1] <= 3: cur.append(i) + else: out.append(sum(cur)/len(cur)); cur = [i] + out.append(sum(cur)/len(cur)) + return out + cl, ch = centres(pl), centres(ph) + if not cl or not ch: return None + ds = [] + for i in cl: + j = min(ch, key=lambda k: abs(k-i)) + if abs(j-i) <= 20: ds.append(j-i) + if not ds: return None + span = n*0.55 + return math.degrees(math.atan(float(np.median(ds))/span)) + v = drift(a, 0) # vertical rules: drift measured down the page + h = drift(a.T, 0) # horizontal rules + cands = [x for x in (v, h) if x is not None] + if not cands: return None + return -cands[0] if abs(cands[0]) >= 0.05 else 0.0 + +def deskew(im): + ang = rule_angle(im) + if ang is None: ang = skew_angle(im) + if abs(ang) < 0.05: return im, 0.0 + return im.rotate(ang, resample=Image.BICUBIC, expand=True, fillcolor=255), ang + +# ---- scanner shadow --------------------------------------------------------- +# A soft grey band down an edge (the gutter shadow) is not dark enough for the +# bar sweep but still prints. Trim edge rows/columns that are mostly dark. +def strip_edge_shadow(im, frac=0.05, dark=0.30): + # A gutter shadow is often a wedge — dark over part of the edge only — so a + # whole-column mean misses it. Score each edge column (row) by the darkest + # tenth of its length instead. + a = np.array(im) < 150 + W, H = im.size + l, r, t, b = 0, W, 0, H + def worst(v, n): # darkest window of length n along v + if len(v) < n: return v.mean() if len(v) else 0.0 + c = np.cumsum(np.insert(v, 0, 0.0)) + return float(((c[n:] - c[:-n])/n).max()) + hw, vw = max(H//10, 1), max(W//10, 1) + # stop at the first light line: only a band touching the edge is shadow, + # anything past it is the plate's own content + for i in range(int(W*frac)): + if worst(a[:, i], hw) > dark: l = i + 1 + else: break + for i in range(W-1, W-int(W*frac)-1, -1): + if worst(a[:, i], hw) > dark: r = i + else: break + for i in range(int(H*frac)): + if worst(a[i, :], vw) > dark: t = i + 1 + else: break + for i in range(H-1, H-int(H*frac)-1, -1): + if worst(a[i, :], vw) > dark: b = i + else: break + return im.crop((l, t, r, b)) if (l, r, t, b) != (0, W, 0, H) else im + +if a.raw: + _skew = 0.0 +else: + im = strip_edge_shadow(im) # drop the gutter shadow first… + im, _skew = deskew(im) # …so it cannot bias the angle estimate + im = strip_edge_shadow(im) # …then clear what the rotation brought in + +# autocrop to dark content with a small margin +def autocrop(im): + arr = np.array(im) < 128 + rows = np.where(arr.mean(1) > 0.002)[0]; cols = np.where(arr.mean(0) > 0.002)[0] + if not (len(rows) and len(cols)): return im + m = int(0.01*im.width) + return im.crop((max(cols[0]-m,0), max(rows[0]-m,0), + min(cols[-1]+m, im.width), min(rows[-1]+m, im.height))) +if not a.raw: + im = autocrop(im) # bring the edges to the ink… + im = autocrop(strip_edge_bars(im)) # …then sweep off any scanner bar now at an edge + im = autocrop(strip_edge_shadow(im)) # …and the gutter shadow the autocrop just exposed +if a.rotate: + im = im.transpose({90: Image.ROTATE_90, 180: Image.ROTATE_180, + 270: Image.ROTATE_270}[a.rotate]) +# --trim T,R,B,L (fractions, after rotation): for skewed scanner edges that are +# too thin for the bar heuristic and too dark for the autocrop to ignore. +if a.trim: + t, r, b, l = (float(x) for x in a.trim.split(",")) + W, H = im.size + im = autocrop(im.crop((int(W*l), int(H*t), int(W*(1-r)), int(H*(1-b))))) +uniq = np.unique(np.array(im)) +out = f"plates/p{a.page:04d}.png" +if len(uniq) <= 2: # bitonal source: keep it crisp and small + im = im.point(lambda v: 255 if v > 128 else 0).convert("1") +im.save(out, optimize=True) +print(out, im.size, im.mode, f"deskew {_skew:+.1f}deg" if _skew else "") diff --git a/tools/ocr2tex.py b/tools/ocr2tex.py new file mode 100755 index 0000000..714d724 --- /dev/null +++ b/tools/ocr2tex.py @@ -0,0 +1,25 @@ +#!/usr/bin/env python3 +"""ocr2tex.py PDFPAGE PRINTED [--head 'Title'] — turn tesseract scaffold into a draft +page file (paragraphs joined, LaTeX specials escaped, quotes normalised). +The draft MUST then be proofread against the page image and corrected.""" +import sys, re, argparse +ap=argparse.ArgumentParser(); ap.add_argument("page",type=int); ap.add_argument("printed",type=int) +ap.add_argument("--head",default=None); ap.add_argument("--bookmark",default=None) +a=ap.parse_args() +txt=open(f"work/ocr/p{a.page:04d}.txt").read() +lines=txt.splitlines() +if a.head and lines and lines[0].strip().lower()==a.head.lower(): lines=lines[1:] +body="\n".join(lines).strip() +paras=[re.sub(r"\s*\n\s*"," ",p).strip() for p in re.split(r"\n\s*\n",body) if p.strip()] +def esc(s): + s=s.replace("\\","\\textbackslash{}") + for c in "&%$#_{}": s=s.replace(c,"\\"+c) + s=re.sub(r"(\d)-(\d)",r"\1-\2",s) + s=s.replace("‘","`").replace("’","'").replace("“","``").replace("”","''") + s=re.sub(r"\b(\w+)-\s+(\w)",r"\1\2",s) # de-hyphenate line breaks (check!) + return s +out=[f"% PDF page {a.page} — printed page {a.printed}",f"\\origpage{{{a.printed}}}"] +if a.bookmark: out.append(f"\\pdfbookmark[1]{{{a.bookmark}}}{{bm{a.page}}}") +if a.head: out.append(f"\\chaphead{{{a.head}}}") +out.append("\n\n".join(esc(p) for p in paras)) +p=f"src/pages/p{a.page:04d}.tex"; open(p,"w").write("\n".join(out)+"\n"); print(p, len(paras),"paras") diff --git a/tools/polish.py b/tools/polish.py new file mode 100755 index 0000000..9332653 --- /dev/null +++ b/tools/polish.py @@ -0,0 +1,164 @@ +#!/usr/bin/env python3 +r"""polish.py — build-time typographic pass over the transcription. + +Reads src/pages/*.tex and writes work/pages/*.tex. The transcription itself stays +exactly as typed; this pass applies at set time the typography the author's +typewriter could not produce, plus the cross-reference links a digital edition +should have: + + * ties, so a reference or a unit never breaks across a line + * en-dashes for numeric ranges (1778-1978, pp. 315-320) + * small caps for institutional acronyms (explicit whitelist below) + * p./pp., pl./pls. and chapter references become links to the original page + they name — note that the original's page numbers are the targets, not the + edition's, since `\origpage{N}` plants `page.N` where original page N begins + * \mbox round an inline specimen so it never breaks from adjacent punctuation + +Never touched: comment lines, and the arguments of \erratum, \qslip, \ig, +\origpage, \fn, \includegraphics and the numeric arguments of \plateop/\pl/\tocl +— those quote the original exactly or are machine data. +""" +import re, glob, os, sys + +SRC, OUT = "src/pages", "work/pages" + +ACRONYMS = ["CSBC", "MSS", "SOAS", "BMS", "IOL", "IOR", "OUP", "SPG", "EIC", + "DCL", "FRS", "BEN", "MS", "BL"] + +def build_maps(): + plate, chap, subsec = {}, {}, {} + for f in sorted(glob.glob(f"{SRC}/p*.tex")): + t = open(f).read() + for no, pg in re.findall(r"\\pl\{(\d+)\}\{.*?\}\{(\d+)\}", t): + plate[int(no)] = int(pg) + for no, pg in re.findall(r"\\tocl\{[^}]*\}\{(\d+)\}\{.*?\}\{(\d+)\}", t): + chap[int(no)] = int(pg) + m = re.search(r"\\subchap\{(\d+)\.([ivx]+)", t) + o = re.search(r"\\origpage\{(\d+)\}", t) + if m and o: subsec[f"{m.group(1)}{m.group(2)}"] = int(o.group(1)) + m2 = re.search(r"\\chapnum\{Chapter (\d+)\}", t) + if m2 and o: chap.setdefault(int(m2.group(1)), int(o.group(1))) + return plate, chap, subsec + +PLATE, CHAP, SUBSEC = build_maps() + +def link(target, shown): + return r"\hyperlink{page.%d}{%s}" % (target, shown) + +PROTECT = [ + re.compile(r"\\(?:erratum|qslip)\{[^}]*\}(?:\{[^}]*\})?"), + re.compile(r"\\ig\{[^}]*\}"), + re.compile(r"\\includegraphics(?:\[[^\]]*\])?\{[^}]*\}"), + re.compile(r"\\(?:origpage|fn|hyperlink|hypertarget|pg)\{[^}]*\}"), + re.compile(r"\\(?:plateop|plate)\{[^}]*\}\{[^}]*\}\{[^}]*\}"), + re.compile(r"\\(?:pl|tocl|toclnp|erratumline)(?:\{[^}]*\})?"), + # heading macros: their arguments become PDF bookmarks and running-head + # marks, so they must stay plain text — a link inside them breaks the build + re.compile(r"\\(?:chapnum|partstart|sectionstart)\{[^}]*\}\{[^}]*\}"), + re.compile(r"\\(?:chapstart|chaphead|subchap)(?:\[[^\]]*\])?\{[^}]*\}"), +] + +def protect(text): + store = [] + def keep(m): + store.append(m.group(0)); return "\x00%d\x00" % (len(store)-1) + for rx in PROTECT: text = rx.sub(keep, text) + return text, store + +def restore(text, store): + return re.sub(r"\x00(\d+)\x00", lambda m: store[int(m.group(1))], text) + +def xrefs(t): + # pl. 57 / pls. 83 and 84 — always this thesis's own plates, always linked + def plate_sub(m): + head, nums = m.group(1), m.group(2) + def one(mm): + n = int(mm.group(0)) + return link(PLATE[n], mm.group(0)) if n in PLATE else mm.group(0) + return head + "~" + re.sub(r"\d+", one, nums) + t = re.sub(r"\b(pls?\.)\s+((?:\d+)(?:\s*(?:,|and|-|--)\s*\d+)*)", plate_sub, t) + + # p. 63 / pp. 196-7 — link only where the thesis cites ITSELF. Ross's own + # pages are introduced by a self-reference ("see above, p. 63", "mentioned + # above, see p. 60", a bare "see p. 43"); a page in somebody else's book sits + # in a citation — after a title, an "ibid.", a shelfmark, or publication data. + # External markers are tested first, because a citation may also contain + # "see". Anything matching neither is left alone: a missing link is cheaper + # than one that lands on the wrong page. + external = (r"\\emph\{[^}]*\}[^.]{0,40}$", r"\bibid\b", r"\bop\. ?cit", + r"\([^()]*\b\d{4}\b[^()]*\)[^.]{0,30}$", r"\b(?:Records|MSS?|IOR|IOL|BMS|SPG|CSBC|BL)\b[^;]{0,45}$", + r"\b(?:vol|nos?|pt)\.\s*[\dIVXL][^.]{0,20}$", r"\b[IVXL]{1,5},\s*$", + r"\bedn\b", r"\brpt\b", r"\bfacing\b", + # a surname followed by a comma, then title/edition matter: the + # commonest shape of a citation in this thesis ("Halhed, + # \emph{Grammar}, p. xxiii", "See Halhed, Grammar, pp. 57") + r"[A-Z][a-zA-Z']+,[^;]{0,45}$") + internal = (r"\babove\b", r"\bbelow\b", r"\bsee\b", r"\bchapters?\b", + r"\bdiscussed\b", r"\bmentioned\b", r"\bcited\b", r"\bstated\b") + def page_sub(m): + w = t[max(0, m.start()-130):m.start()] + if any(re.search(rx, w) for rx in external): return m.group(0) + if not any(re.search(rx, w, re.I) for rx in internal): return m.group(0) + head, nums = m.group(1), m.group(2) + first = re.match(r"\d+", nums) + if not first: return m.group(0) + n = int(first.group(0)) + if n > 431: return m.group(0) # beyond this thesis's last page + return head + "~" + link(n, first.group(0)) + nums[first.end():].replace("-", "--") + t = re.sub(r"\b(pp?\.)\s+(\d+(?:\s*-\s*\d+)?)", page_sub, t) + + # chapter 5 / chapters 7 and 8 / chapter 3ii — always self-references + def chap_sub(m): + head, rest = m.group(1), m.group(2) + def one(mm): + tok = mm.group(0) + if tok in SUBSEC: return link(SUBSEC[tok], tok) + d = re.match(r"\d+", tok) + return link(CHAP[int(d.group(0))], tok) if d and tok.isdigit() and int(d.group(0)) in CHAP else tok + return head + "~" + re.sub(r"\d+(?:[ivx]+)?", one, rest) + t = re.sub(r"\b(chapters?)\s+(\d+(?:[ivx]+)?(?:\s*(?:,|and)\s*\d+(?:[ivx]+)?)*)", + chap_sub, t, flags=re.I) + return t + +TIE_WORDS = r"(?:no|nos|vol|vols|fig|figs|Mr|Mrs|Dr|St|Revd|Rev|pt|Pt)\." +def ties(t): + t = re.sub(r"\b(%s)\s+(?=[\dIVXL])" % TIE_WORDS, r"\1~", t) + t = re.sub(r"\b(Part|Section|Book|Vol|Plate|Table|Figure)\s+(?=[\dIVXL])", r"\1~", t) + t = re.sub(r"\b(\d+)\s+(lbs?|pt|pts|dpi|mm|cm|in)\b", r"\1~\2", t) + t = re.sub(r"\b([A-Z][a-z]+)\s+(I{1,3}V?|IV|VI{0,3}|IX|XI{0,2})\b", r"\1~\2", t) + return t + +def endashes(t): + return re.sub(r"(?<=\d)-(?=\d)", "--", t) + +def smallcaps(t): + for a in ACRONYMS: + t = re.sub(r"(?<![A-Za-z0-9\\])%s(?![A-Za-z0-9])" % a, r"\\textsc{%s}" % a.lower(), t) + return t + +def mbox_specimens(t): + return re.sub(r"(\\ig\{[^}]*\})", r"\\mbox{\1}", t) + +def polish(text): + out_lines = [] + for line in text.split("\n"): + if line.lstrip().startswith("%"): + out_lines.append(line); continue + body, store = protect(line) + body = xrefs(body) + body = ties(body) + body = endashes(body) + body = smallcaps(body) + body = restore(body, store) + body = mbox_specimens(body) + out_lines.append(body) + return "\n".join(out_lines) + +if __name__ == "__main__": + os.makedirs(OUT, exist_ok=True) + n = 0 + for f in sorted(glob.glob(f"{SRC}/p*.tex")): + open(os.path.join(OUT, os.path.basename(f)), "w").write(polish(open(f).read())) + n += 1 + print(f"polished {n} pages -> {OUT}/ " + f"({len(PLATE)} plate targets, {len(CHAP)} chapters, {len(SUBSEC)} sections)") diff --git a/tools/prep.sh b/tools/prep.sh new file mode 100755 index 0000000..fdb8609 --- /dev/null +++ b/tools/prep.sh @@ -0,0 +1,9 @@ +#!/bin/sh +# prep.sh FIRST LAST — rasterize pages at 130 dpi for reading + tesseract scaffold text +cd "$(dirname "$0")/.."; mkdir -p scans work/ocr +pdftoppm -jpeg -r 130 -f "$1" -l "$2" "${ROSS_SRC:-source/10731406.pdf}" scans/hi +for p in $(seq "$1" "$2"); do + f=$(printf 'scans/hi-%03d.jpg' "$p") + tesseract "$f" "work/ocr/p$(printf '%04d' "$p")" -l eng --psm 4 >/dev/null 2>&1 +done +ls scans/hi-*.jpg | tail -n +1 | wc -l diff --git a/tools/reprocheck.py b/tools/reprocheck.py new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5331bf3 --- /dev/null +++ b/tools/reprocheck.py @@ -0,0 +1,153 @@ +#!/usr/bin/env python3 +r"""Reproduction check: every token in the transcription must reach the PDF. + +The transcription in src/pages is the authority for what the edition should say; +the rendered PDF is what it does say. A token that appears N times in the source +and fewer than N times in the output is content the typesetter lost. Comparison +is by bag, not sequence, because endnotes and the Contents move text about. + +Found the biblist \hangafter=1 digit-swallowing bug (2026-09-14). + + python3 tools/reprocheck.py [ross-1988-retypeset.pdf] +""" +import re, sys, glob, subprocess, unicodedata +from collections import Counter + +PDF = sys.argv[1] if len(sys.argv) > 1 else "ross-1988-retypeset.pdf" + +# macros whose text we keep, by which argument(s) carry copy +KEEP = { + "emph": [0], "textbf": [0], "textit": [0], "textsc": [0], "underline": [0], + "unsure": [0], "qslip": [0], "erratum": [0], # \erratum{corrected}{as printed} + "fn": [1], # \fn{n}{text} - n is a mark + "plateop": [3], "plate": [2], # caption only + "chapstart": [0], "chaphead": [0], "subhead": [0], "bibgroup": [0], "bibhead": [0], + "partstart": [0, 1], "sectionstart": [0, 1], "matterstart": [0], "chapnum": [0, 1], + "pl": [1], "tocl": [2], "toclnp": [2], "pg": [0], "origpage": [0], + "mbox": [0], "textsuperscript": [0], +} +DROP = {"ig", "fig", "includegraphics", "label", "index", "vspace", "hspace", + "setlength", "pdfbookmark", "addcontentsline", "input", "hangindent", + "thispagestyle", "pagestyle", "setstretch", "addmargin", "addvspace", + "vskip", "hskip", "rule", "makebox", "raisebox", "resizebox", "XeTeXglyph"} + +def argspans(s, i): + """yield (start, end) of consecutive brace groups beginning at i""" + out = [] + while i < len(s) and s[i] in " \t": + i += 1 + while i < len(s) and s[i] == "{": + d, j = 0, i + while j < len(s): + if s[j] == "\\": + j += 2; continue + if s[j] == "{": d += 1 + elif s[j] == "}": + d -= 1 + if d == 0: + out.append((i + 1, j)); i = j + 1; break + j += 1 + else: + break + return out, i + +def detex(s): + s = re.sub(r"(?<!\\)%.*", "", s) + out, i = [], 0 + while i < len(s): + c = s[i] + if c != "\\": + out.append(c); i += 1; continue + m = re.match(r"\\([A-Za-z@]+)\*?", s[i:]) + if not m: + i += 2 + if s[i - 2:i] == "\\\\": # \\[0.6em] - the skip is a length + k = re.match(r"\s*\[[^\]]*\]", s[i:]) + if k: + i += k.end() + out.append(" "); continue # \& \% \\ ... + name = m.group(1) + j = i + m.end() + while True: # skip [optional] args + k = s.find("[", j) + if k != -1 and s[j:k].strip() == "": + e = s.find("]", k) + if e == -1: + break + j = e + 1 + else: + break + spans, after = argspans(s, j) + if name in ("begin", "end"): # env name and column spec are not copy + spans = [] + if name == "XeTeXglyph": # \XeTeXglyph 824 - unbraced slot id + k = re.match(r"\s*[0-9]+", s[after:]) + if k: + after += k.end() + if name in DROP: + out.append(" "); i = after; continue + keep = KEEP.get(name) + if keep is None: + out.append(" ") + for a, b in spans: + out.append(detex(s[a:b]) + " ") + else: + for k in keep: + if k < len(spans): + a, b = spans[k] + out.append(" " + detex(s[a:b]) + " ") + i = after + return "".join(out) + +LIG = {"\ufb00": "ff", "\ufb01": "fi", "\ufb02": "fl", "\ufb03": "ffi", "\ufb04": "ffl"} + +def tokens(text): + text = unicodedata.normalize("NFC", text) + for k, v in LIG.items(): + text = text.replace(k, v) + text = text.replace("\u2019", "'").replace("\u2018", "'") + text = re.sub(r"[\u2010-\u2015]", "-", text) + return Counter(t.lower() for t in re.findall(r"[0-9]+|[^\W\d_]+", text, re.UNICODE)) + +src = [] +files = sorted(glob.glob("src/pages/p*.tex")) +for f in files: + src.append(detex(open(f, encoding="utf-8").read())) +A = tokens("\n".join(src)) + +pdftxt = subprocess.run(["pdftotext", "-layout", PDF, "-"], + capture_output=True, text=True).stdout +B = tokens(pdftxt) + +where = {} +for f, txt in zip(files, src): + for t in set(tokens(txt)): + where.setdefault(t, []).append(f[-8:-4]) + +# pdftotext merges two tokens wherever the gap is too small to register as a +# space: an endnote superscript onto the word before it (em.55 -> "em55"), and +# the two Bengali forms of a Scheme-of-Transliteration cell. Those are losses in +# the extractor, not in the PDF, and they show up as a token that survives only +# inside a longer one - so report them apart instead of burying the real ones. +# NFD so a precomposed nukta form (U+09DC) still shows its base letter +stream = unicodedata.normalize("NFD", re.sub(r"\s+", " ", pdftxt.lower())) +merged, real = [], [] +for t in A: + if B[t] >= A[t]: + continue + row = (A[t] - B[t], t, A[t], B[t]) + probe = unicodedata.normalize("NFD", t) + (merged if stream.count(probe) >= A[t] else real).append(row) +real.sort(key=lambda r: (-r[0], r[1])) +merged.sort(key=lambda r: (-r[0], r[1])) +deficits = real +print(f"{len(files)} page files, {sum(A.values())} source tokens, " + f"{sum(B.values())} pdf tokens, {len(real)} tokens short " + f"({len(merged)} more merged into a neighbour by the extractor)") +for n, t, a, b in deficits: + pp = where.get(t, []) + tail = " ".join(pp) if len(pp) <= 8 else " ".join(pp[:8]) + " ..." + print(f" -{n:<4} {t!r:24} src {a:<4} pdf {b:<4} p{tail}") +if merged: + print("extractor merges (not losses):", + ", ".join(f"{t}(-{n})" for n, t, a, b in merged)) diff --git a/tools/setrow.py b/tools/setrow.py new file mode 100755 index 0000000..bec2247 --- /dev/null +++ b/tools/setrow.py @@ -0,0 +1,17 @@ +#!/usr/bin/env python3 +"""setrow.py PDFPAGE PRINTED KIND NOTES — mark one manifest.tsv row done. + + python3 tools/setrow.py 20 18 plate "plate 1" +src_file is derived from the PDF page (blank for kind dropped/colophon).""" +import sys +pdf, printed, kind, notes = sys.argv[1:5] +rows = open("manifest.tsv").read().splitlines() +out = [] +for i, line in enumerate(rows): + c = line.split("\t") + if i and c[0] == pdf: + src = "" if kind in ("dropped", "colophon") else f"src/pages/p{int(pdf):04d}.tex" + line = "\t".join([c[0], c[1], printed, kind, "done", src, notes]) + out.append(line) +open("manifest.tsv", "w").write("\n".join(out) + "\n") +print(" | ".join(out[int(pdf)].split("\t")))